S1 | Public Policy

Fareed Zakaria: Author "Ten Lessons for a Post-Pandemic World" | SALT Talks #89

“You’ve got to give them a sense of respect when we talk about essential workers, about farmers, about people in construction, about people who are working in mines.”

Fareed Zakaria hosts Fareed Zakaria GPS for CNN Worldwide and is a columnist for The Washington Post, a contributing editor for The Atlantic, and a bestselling author. Fareed Zakaria GPS is a weekly international and domestic affairs program that airs on CNN/U.S. and around the world on CNN International. Since its debut in 2008, it has become a prominent television forum for global newsmakers and thought leaders.

Globalization over the last 100+ years has been responsible for the many of the most important advances in western civilization. Though, in the last 25 years, globalization fueled by an information/technological revolution has created greater inequality with a priority placed on more skilled work. “What's happening is the higher and higher value stuff is being made digitally and operates in a digital world, and the lower and lower value stuff is the physical world… It's more technological than it is globalization and the pandemic has massively exacerbated it.”

We’ve seen the consequences play out in politics and culture where an anti-establishment backlash has emerged. A global economic system designed to move fast was built with few safeguards to protect the working class from the economic seizures we’ve seen nearly once a decade. The key is developing an economic system that balances growth with social and economic security for our more vulnerable populations across the country and globe.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Fareed Zakaria.jpeg

Fareed Zakaria

Host, Fareed Zakaria GPS

CNN Worldwide

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello everyone and welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie, I'm the Managing Director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. SALT Talks are a digital interview series that we launched during this work from home period with leading investors, creators and thinkers.

John Darsie: (00:28)
And what we're trying to do during these SALT Talks is to replicate the experience that we provide in our global conferences, the Salt Conference, which we host annually in the United States and we also host an annual international conference most recently in Abu Dhabi in December of 2019, and we're looking forward to getting those conferences resumed here in the near future as soon as it's safe for all of our participants.

John Darsie: (00:49)
At SALT Talks, what we're trying to do is really provide a window into the mind of subject matter experts, as well as provide a platform for what we think are big ideas that are shaping the future. And our guest today wrote recently a great book about these big ideas and these big trends that are shaping our future, some good and some not so good. And our guest today is Fareed Zakaria, and we're very excited to welcome him to SALT Talks.

John Darsie: (01:12)
Fareed is the host of Fareed Zakaria GPS, which is a weekly international and domestic affairs program for CNN Worldwide. He's also a columnist for the Washington Post, a contributing editor for the Atlantic and a best-selling author. Interviews on Fareed Zakaria GPS have included US President Barack Obama, French President, Emmanuel Macron, Chinese Premier, Wen Jiabao, Russian President, Vladimir Putin, Israeli Prime Minister, Bibi Netanyahu and Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

John Darsie: (01:44)
Zakaria is the author of three highly regarded and New York times bestselling books, In Defense of a Liberal Education, The Post-American Worlds and The Future of Freedom. And then at his most recent book is Ten Lessons for the Post-Pandemic World, which is what we're going to focus on today. Prior to his tenure at CNN Worldwide, Zakaria was the editor of Newsweek International, the Managing Editor of Foreign Affairs, a columnist for Time, an analyst for ABC News and the host of Foreign Exchange with Fareed Zakaria, which was on PBS.

John Darsie: (02:18)
In 2017, Zakaria was awarded the Arthur Ross Media Award by the American Academy of Diplomacy. He was named a top 10 global thinker of the last 10 years by Foreign Policy Magazine in 2019, and EsQuire once called him the most influential foreign policy advisor of his generation. Zakaria serves on the boards of the council on foreign relations of which Anthony is also a member and of New America. He earned a bachelor's degree from Yale University, a doctorate in political science from Harvard University and has received numerous honorary degrees.

John Darsie: (02:52)
Just a reminder, if you have any questions for Fareed during today's talk, you can enter them in the Q and A box at the bottom of your video screen on Zoom. And hosting today's talk is Anthony Scaramucci, the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital, a global alternative investment firm. Anthony is also the chairman of SALTs and he was also President Trump's Communications Director, I believe it was for 11 days. And we're now inside of one Scaramucci until the general election, so that's a big milestone.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:19)
You're going to get fired, okay? I'm just telling you, keep it up, you're going to get fired, okay?

John Darsie: (03:23)
But Anthony, I'll turn it over to you for the interview while we still [inaudible 00:03:26].

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:26)
Everybody knows Darsie, so be careful, Darsie, be careful. Now Fareed, I'm telling you, we've read that exactly the way your mom wrote that, okay? How impressive is that resume and that background? God bless you. And it's a real honor to be able to call you a friend. And I thought that your book was tremendous. And so, as I'm wanting to do, I'm going to hold up the book, amazing book. Obviously, will go on to be a best seller, but I encourage people to read this.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:52)
And Fareed said this while we were in the green room, he's written these books so that they can be read in one or two sittings. It'll take five or six hours to read. Probably seven or so hours to listen to in Fareed's voice. And I want to get into it with you Fareed. But before we do that, I asked this question of everybody and I've got to ask it of you. There's something about you that we couldn't learn from Wikipedia or from your television show, and I was wondering if you could share something with us about your life that caused your life to go on the arc that it's gone on in this amazing trajectory that you've had.

Fareed Zakaria: (04:29)
First of all, thank you so much. It's a huge pleasure and I so appreciate the fulsome introduction and the holding of the book. You might've heard this once or twice before, Anthony, but you are a good salesman. You are a very good salesman. To answer your question, look, I think the part that people don't talk about enough, people like you and me who have happened to have had some success in our lives, luck plays a huge part in one's life. And I think we should always remember that. And we should remember that when thinking about people less fortunate than us. There are a lot of smart people out there and there I think that, I meant some important areas, I got lucky.

Fareed Zakaria: (05:13)
But probably when I look back, I'll say the thing that I notice that I think when I look back helped me a lot, was this. My parents, my father was a politician. My mother was a journalist. And in some ways my dad was particularly a traditional dad. I don't think he ever went to my school, for example, in that 12 years that I was in school. But they took us seriously as kids and they shared with us at the dinner table, all the conversations that they would have any way.

Fareed Zakaria: (05:47)
Their friends would come and sit with us at the dinner table. And we would talk about my dad's career, my mom's work, what was going on in India, what was going on in the world. And I got very comfortable with adults, adult conversation and navigating adult life. And I noticed that when I got to college, I got a scholarship to Yale and I got there. And in some ways I was under-prepared. I went to a good school in India, but nothing like the Andovers and Exeters of the world.

Fareed Zakaria: (06:18)
But I think I was better prepared in that one respect. I had a very good feel for how to handle adults and the adult world. And nothing about it faced me, nothing about it intimidated me, because I'd been talking to these people and navigating that life for a long, long time. So I probably feel like that was a crucial advantage.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:43)
Well, we agree. We agree on providence or the universe offering us luck. There's no question about that. And I think that's apropos to what I'm going to ask you about, because we're an interesting situation. I know you're a student of history. You write a little bit about this in the book and I want you to address your philosophical thinkings about this threading history. The gap is widening Fareed. We can look at the empirical data between the haves and the have nots, or the eventuality of a plutocratic world and then a world that's below the plutocrats which may be suffering.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:19)
And those people, unfortunately, I'll speak for myself, growing up in a blue collar neighborhood with blue collar parents, we were aspirational, but those very same people are now desperational. And so my question to you is, is this an effect of globalism? Is this is a by-product of globalism? If it's not a by-product of globalism, what do we do to help these people? Because whenever you think of Mr. Trump or the rise of nationalism or populism that exists and systemically it's putting pressure to be reflected into our political leadership. And so I'm just wondering your thoughts on this and how do you think this unfolds over the next decade?

Fareed Zakaria: (07:59)
Wow, that's a great question. It is in some ways the big question, which is particularly in the Western world, how do we sustain this western marvel that transformed the work over the last 200 years, given the very pressures you're talking about? So the way I would describe first of all, to describe the problem correctly, I think that this is fundamentally a combination of globalization and the information revolution. It's not just globalization, because globalization has been going on for a while as you know.

Fareed Zakaria: (08:29)
I mean, we basically begun the big burst of globalization in the 1880s, then the 1920s, then the 1950s. But what has happened in the last 20, 25 years is that you've had globalization, and obviously that means some work goes to lower cost countries. But generally speaking that worked out because that was work people didn't want to do in rich countries. People don't want to make t-shirts for a dollar a piece in the United States anymore. They don't want to make sneakers for $25 a piece. That work migrates and then what happens is what's left in the US and in Germany is the higher value work.

Fareed Zakaria: (09:08)
Some of that has been thrown off by the fact that a lot of the world globalized simultaneously, particularly China and India. And so the effect was faster and more accelerated. But the biggest issue has been the information revolution. Work is now digital, and this is the sense in which the pandemic, as you described correctly, has massively exacerbated this problem. Look, you and I are doing fine because we can work digital. It's a bit of an inconvenience we're doing it this way, we would normally have done it in a conference hall, but that's an inconvenience.

Fareed Zakaria: (09:47)
But think about everybody who works in restaurants, retail, shopping malls, theme parks, hotels, that world has just been devastated. And so what's happening is the higher and higher value stuff is being made digitally and operates in a digital world, and the lower and lower value stuff is the physical world. And of course, that correlates with, do you have a college degree? Do you have technical training? So that's the problem. It's more technological than it is globalization and the pandemic has massively exacerbated it.

Fareed Zakaria: (10:22)
The solution I think has to be two fold. We've got to spend a lot more money on these people to put it very simply. I think we are not even beginning to understand the amount of money we need to spend on things like retraining on the earned income tax credit, so that ... What the earned income tax credit does, it says, if you work full-time in the United States, you will not live in poverty. Whatever the market does, the government will top up your wages so that you do not have to be living in poverty. By the way, it's a great social program. Milton Friedman was in favor of it, so it's a free market program because it encourages work and these people spend that money. So it's actually good for the economy.

Fareed Zakaria: (11:05)
The retraining part is harder, but I'll tell you this, because I've got senior government officials, people who you have to know very well in the Trump Administration came and talked to me about retraining because I've written a lot about it. And they said, "What is your sense of how we learn from the true Germans?" I said, "You want to want the best way to learn from them is, they spend 20 times as much per capita on apprenticeship programs as the United States does." So yeah, there's some clever aspects to the programs, but the number one thing is, they commit real resources to it.

Fareed Zakaria: (11:38)
So I think a lot of the answer is that Anthony, but finally, I would say this and you know this better than I do and this is what Trump gets, you got to give this people dignity. You got to give them a sense of respect. When we talk about essential workers, when we talk about ... that's the right kind of language for us to use, not just about essential workers, but about farmers, about people in construction, about people who are working in mines. I mean, I think that even talking about this transition, it's not the right way to think about it. It's you first begin by honoring these people.

Fareed Zakaria: (12:12)
And then you say, what we are trying to do is to make sure that your children can have the same kind of dignity and work and study. And we are therefore going to find great jobs in the future for those people, but you, we honor, we respect and we want to help make sure that your family has the same kind of life that you've been able to have. Something like that. But I think we shouldn't minimize the dignity part because a lot of what the right is better at doing than the left is the dignity, even though they don't spend any money on these people.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:43)
Well, I would say that it's the right coincidence with President Trump. I think it was prior to President Trump, probably not as much. In fact-

Fareed Zakaria: (12:51)
Correct.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:52)
... what I once wrote is that there was a vacuum of advocacy for these people on both sides in the establishment for three decades, which gave Mr. Trump the opportunity to exploit that in 2016. You bring up in your book, which I found fascinating, you more or less say that the way the world is now organized, it seems like we're having a seizure or an economic crisis, or now it being a healthcare crisis once every 10 or so years. And if you think about it, the 1998 crisis, which led to the Fed intervention, long-term capital management crisis, the 2008 crisis, the COVID-19 crisis, we could go back. And I'm just wondering why you think that is? Why do you feel like the way we've set up the mechanisms and architecture of globalization is causing these once or so, once a decade or so seizures?

Fareed Zakaria: (13:45)
Yeah, it's a great question because I puzzled about it myself. And I think that fundamentally, if you look at the system we've created and obviously nobody sat down and created it, but that we have allowed to build up. The system is very fast, very open and very unstable. It's very fast. It moves at lightning speed, accelerated by information technology. It's very open. Every country can participate and that is multiplied by the information revolution.

Fareed Zakaria: (14:14)
But we've never wanted to put in safeguards, guardrails, seat belts. We've never wanted to buy insurance because you don't want to slow it down. But the danger of a system like that is that it can careen out of control. So I mean, at some level you can think of 911 as the kind of reckless expansion of Western liberalism and democracy everywhere in the world without much attention to the parts of the world that we're really showing a backlash against it. And with a minority of people in the Middle East, but we saw pretty violent backlash to that idea.

Fareed Zakaria: (14:49)
If you think about the global financial crisis, right? I mean, ever since we have massively deregulated the financial space, is basically since the 1990s or late '80s, you've seen a lot of these crises. I mean, the SNL crisis, the Latin American debt crisis, the Tequila crisis, the Asian crisis, the Russian default, the global financial crisis. And if you look between 1938, roughly when FDR regulates to 1985, not a lot of crises, but a much slower system. So I'm not saying we know what the balance is, but clearly it is out of control right now, because we are seeing, it's not just the pandemic. We're seeing forest fires in California that, I mean, we've burned five million acres of land. That's the entire state of Massachusetts up in flames because between global warming and the way we have actually incentivized people to live at the edges of forests, it's an invitation from one of these accidents to careen out of control.

Fareed Zakaria: (15:52)
Factory farming, the way we do, it's an invitation for another pandemic. So I want us to think more about resilience and security, maybe sacrifice a little bit of dynamism because the thing you don't know, Anthony, is one of these could be the last, or at least could be so severe that it becomes ... just imagine if we had been able to sacrifice some dynamism and not had the global financial crisis. The world probably spent $20 trillion recovering from that. Imagine if we could have bought a little insurance and been a little careful about human development, so we don't have these constant contacts between animals like bats and human beings. We're going to spend, I don't know, 30, $40 trillion on this pandemic by the time we're done with it. It would so much be worth a few billion dollars, a few tens of billions of dollars in prevention rather than the cure.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:53)
Very well said, and hopefully we'll get there. Your lesson 10. I mean, I loved all of the lessons frankly, but the lesson 10, I found fascinating because you really do understand the Post-World War II architecture. You mentioned a little known fact by most Americans that FDR really started the process in '43 into '44 with the notion of the Post-World War II architecture starting, even though the outcome of that war was uncertain. He knew that and he was a Wilsonian in many ways because he was the undersecretary of the Navy for Rob Woodrow Wilson.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:31)
And when I was reading that and reflecting upon it, I was actually listening to it on audio tape. And then I went back and looked at it in the book, when I was reflecting upon it, it's 75 years out. It's been by and large successful. We've had peace and prosperity as a result of the Post-World War II alliances and the architecture. But I'm wondering now, because a lifetime has gone by, 75 to 80 years, is it time for a reset? And if it is time for a reset, Fareed, what would that reset in your mind look like? What would it need to look like to continue peace and prosperity and the lifting of the rest of the world into middle-class living standards?

Fareed Zakaria: (18:10)
God, you're asking all the big questions. I mean, I think that's in a way the central international question and you're right. There's no question. I mean, FDR was a total visionary. And you really have to imagine in that situation isolationist America, 43, as you say, one and a half years after Port Harbor and he's already thinking that we are going to create a new world order. We're going to create a new system. We're going to create an architecture that gives the great powers and incentive to be in there.

Fareed Zakaria: (18:38)
He was at Versailles visiting as under assistant secretary of the Navy. And he said, "Wilson's ideals," roughly speaking what he said was, "Wilson's ideals were the right ones, but the guy doesn't understand, it's not going to work if you just say these are the laws and these are the rules. You got to give the major countries an incentive to be there." That's why we ended up with the security council. That's why we ended up with the great powers Veto which invests the strongest countries in the world, in the system.

Fareed Zakaria: (19:09)
So that is in some ways at the core of my answer to your question, we will not be able to sustain this system if the most powerful countries in the world today, not in 1945 are not invested in. If you think about the architecture now, I mean, the five countries that dominate are the five countries that won the war in World War II. Was actually four countries, we pretend that France won the war when it really didn't.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:38)
Oh, not to interpret but I will. It's sort of like the Dow or the S&P, Fareed. We recirculate, again to show you that the Dow 30 in 1945 are not the same as the Dow 30 today or even 10 years ago for that matter. I think it's a very interesting point.

Fareed Zakaria: (19:54)
No, exactly. Now another analogy though, which is a little less hopeful is the American constitution. I happen to be, as an immigrant, a huge fan of the American constitution. I think it got more things right than any constitution has ever gotten right. But it is an 18th Century document. Parts of it are badly worded. I mean, the second amendment, frankly, is just a grammatical mess. Nobody even knows what it means when you talk about a well-regulated militia. So there are parts of it that clearly need updating, but it's very hard to do.

Fareed Zakaria: (20:28)
So the real challenge here is going to be to do a kind of software update, a soft update. You're not going to be able to say, we're going to bring the system down and we're going to start from ground zero. But we have to find a way to incentivize the most powerful countries in the world that could otherwise be the spoilers to in some way be part of it. It doesn't mean that they're all going to be beautiful, liberal democracies and the world is going to be at peace. No.

Fareed Zakaria: (20:54)
China is going to be a competitor. We're going to have to play hardball with it. We're going to have to find ways to out-compete it. We're going to have to find ways to push back against it on many issues, but we both have a very strong overriding interest that there'd be an open system, a rule-based system in which mostly things are resolved by dialogue and not by force in which everyone can trade with everyone. So if we can come up with a set of rules and try to incentivize people, and what does that mean? It means we blew it in the Obama Administration on something called the Asian Development Bank.

Fareed Zakaria: (21:31)
The Chinese came to us and said, we want more influence in the Asian Development Bank, which is basically a public financing mechanism in Asia, and we'll put in a lot more capital. Obama Administration said, no. The Brits actually advised us to exceed to the Chinese demand. And we're like, no, we like the fact that we dominate the Asian Development Bank. So the Chinese say, okay, we're going to go off and take our marbles, and we'll start our own thing called the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank, which I think got five times as much paid up capital as the ADB. So they went out and freelanced, created their own alternate system. It's working better than the ... and the Asian Development Bank is dying. We've got to think that example through a hundredfold.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:14)
A hundred percent. They did the same thing with the Export Import Bank for China versus our EXIM Bank in the United States.

Fareed Zakaria: (22:20)
Exactly.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:20)
Fareed, you wrote an amazing book. I have to turn it over to John Darsie because we have huge audience participation and we've got tons of questions coming in. And so I'm not that promotional, right? Fareed, so look, I'm like using the book as a windshield wiper, see that, but it's an amazing book. I encourage everybody to read it and wish you great success with the book. And I'm looking forward to your future writing on this topic, because I think you're right on point in where the world needs to go. So congratulations Fareed, I'm going to turn it over to John and all that blonde hair, Fareed. Look at all that American blonde hair.

John Darsie: (22:58)
All right, I'll-

Fareed Zakaria: (22:59)
Thank you Anthony.

John Darsie: (23:01)
It's my pleasure to take the baton. So Fareed, I want to elaborate more on what you talked about in terms of humans encroaching on animal habitat. So it was a great book that we've talked about before on previous SALT Talks called Spillover written in 2012, that more or less predicted elements of this pandemic. And you write as one of your lessons in the book about how the pandemic and likely future pandemics is sort of nature's revenge for overpopulation, human environmental encroachments. And you also worry about the implications of a meat-based diet. Could you elaborate on all the different implications of more people around the world moving into consuming meat and the implications that has for our planet?

Fareed Zakaria: (23:42)
Sure. So first thing to remember is the more meat we're eating, the more unhealthy we get. Small amounts of meat are perfectly fine, but larger and larger amounts of meat correlate with all kinds of terrible dietary issues. One of the reasons, by the way, that we don't talk about why America has been hit so badly by COVID is we're all obese. The United States has a massive obesity problem. And as a result, and that is essentially a disease multiplier. But the problem with a meat-based diet is fundamentally, it is terrible for the environment in terms of global warming. The amount of farmland you need to produce the amount of calories we consume from meat is massive. I can't remember the exact numbers, but it's something like 40 or 50% of the farmland for 15% of the calories.

Fareed Zakaria: (24:32)
So secondly, there's a huge amount of methane that is released into the air. And thirdly factory farms, which is by the way, how 99% of meat is produced. So if you think you're having organic meat in Europe solving the problem, you're not. You're 1%, 99% of meat is produced through factory farms. Your hoarding animals together in incredibly unsanitary conditions, and you've chosen animals that are genetically selected to be similar, because that's the whole point of factories, you're producing exactly the same product.

Fareed Zakaria: (25:06)
And that means that these animals have no defenses against viruses. So the virus just keeps hopping from animal to animal, getting more and more powerful. You've injected the animals with antibiotics. So the viruses are now becoming antibiotic resistant and this is a Petri dish for a pandemic. And my great fear is that COVID-19 is the dress rehearsal for what is going to be a more Virial inversion of a respiratory virus born out of this factory farming.

Fareed Zakaria: (25:41)
So you've got global warming issues. You've got environmental issues and you've got pandemic issues. And most importantly, your personal health will be substantially alleviated by reductions of animal protein. Now, to be clear, I'm not a vegan, I'm just careful. I think it's very important to ... my sort of approach in life is our Aristotelian, everything in moderation. But I'm very careful about how much meat I eat, because it's bad for me. It's bad for the country. It's bad for the planet.

John Darsie: (26:16)
So we've seen certain countries and your point about this current pandemic being a wake up call from a potentially more deli future pandemic is well taken. And we've seen certain countries and certain cities be much more resilient and effective in fighting the spread and the morbidity of COVID-19. What cities and countries have stood out, and what can we learn from their success in preventing the spread and in treating the virus?

Fareed Zakaria: (26:41)
Sure. It's a really good question because we really have a wide variation. It's exactly what a social scientist would want, and almost that kind of natural experiment. So probably the gold medal goes to Taiwan. Taiwan is about 24 million people. It's right next to China. It gets huge amounts of traffic from China, tourists, business travel, millions and millions of people. And despite all that, Taiwan has had, I believe, seven COVID deaths. So to give you a sense, New York state, which has 19 million people, 5 million fewer than Taiwan has had 35,000 COVID deaths, roughly 34,000, I think.

Fareed Zakaria: (27:22)
But Taiwan's death rate is 1:2000 that of the United States. So you ask what they've done right? First thing they did was they acted early. They decided having gone through SARS and MERS, they realized, you know what? Better to take no chances and they got smart early on. Secondly, they were aggressive. They put in place some travel bans. They put in place some immediately, if you came off the plane, you were coming from China, they took your temperature. They made you do certain kinds of checks. They kept your information. And then they started banning a certain amount of the travel.

Fareed Zakaria: (27:58)
Most importantly, they immediately ramped up mass testing and tracing and isolation. We don't talk about that because it's the inconvenient part. You have to quarantine the people who are potentially infected. The whole thesis behind the Taiwan strategy is, a lockdown is a bad idea because it shuts down the economy. A lockdown is a sign you've already failed. So what you're trying to do is say, this doesn't just spread randomly through the public, it spreads in clusters. So the minute you find one person who has it, you are trying to capture that cluster of potential infectees. Isolate them, separate them from the population, and they did this in Taiwan.

Fareed Zakaria: (28:43)
In total, they separated 250,000 people for 14 days at a time obviously, not all at the same time. But that's 1% of the population of Taiwan. So they were able to keep 99% of the country, the population fully operational by just selectively and strategically, and immediately pulling out those people who might be infected. So it's only aggressive and intelligent. We were late, passive and stupid.

John Darsie: (29:14)
So Mark Meadows, the White House Chief of Staff told your colleague Jake Tapper this weekend that we basically just need to give up on trying to contain the virus. It's not going to happen in America. People value their freedom of movement and the right to wear a mask or not wear a mask too much. We need to focus on therapeutics and getting a vaccine. Is our inability to fight the virus a lack of political will to put these systems in place to fight it, or is there a lack of testing capability that's more of a product of lack of scientific development and manufacturing development? Can we do this if we decide that we have the political will to contain it, the spread, not just the death rate?

Fareed Zakaria: (29:57)
We absolutely could do it. We could still do it. First of all, to explain why we don't have a mass testing and tracing system in place, it is purely a political decision. The testing piece is trivial. Do you know why we don't have real good testing in America? Because the federal government has not made a distinction between tests that are returned within 24 hours, within 48 hours, within three days. But tests that with the results you get three days later is essentially worthless. You're trying to figure out when people are infectious and separate them. So you're infectious for about three or four days, maximum, during the course of this disease. If you get the tests back three days later, you've already passed the point where you're infectious. So at that point, there's really no point in isolating somebody.

Fareed Zakaria: (30:48)
So the whole point of isolating is once you find out that somebody is positive, you put them in a place where they can't infect anyone else. So if the federal government will not make a distinction in reimbursing, why would a private company, you guy, most of your viewers are business people. Why would a private company be stupid enough to incur heavier costs, to turn around the test in 24 hours as an act of public virtue? They're not going to do that.

Fareed Zakaria: (31:15)
The feds have a very simple solution, which is you reimburse double for a test that you get back in 24 hours, normal rates for 48 hours, and maybe 10% for anything that comes back afterwards. You would see the testing regime change in a minute. I mean, these companies could do it easily, but while they have 95% margins, why are they going to do it now?

Fareed Zakaria: (31:38)
The tracing piece, yeah, there's a little bit of a challenge there. But other Western countries have been able to do it. Germany has a very good tracing system in place. Some of the Northern European countries have a very good system in place. No, we are just being defeatist. And the Trump Administration has decided that their election strategy is to say, look, this was not something one could handle, so any change to the system would imply that they made a mistake and Trump hates to admit he's made a mistake. The real truth is what we should be doing is saying we failed, happens in life, whatever, that's history. We can learn from the failure and we can still set it right.

John Darsie: (32:18)
So I want to shift gears a little bit to a couple other themes that you've written about a lot in the past and you talk about in this book as well, which is the growing digitization of the world and our migration that's been accelerated by COVID to life on the internet, remote work, the rise of robots and robotics, artificial intelligence. Long-term, what do you think the implications of the pandemic are to the speed of the development of those technologies? And what do you think those technologies look like in our society in say 10 to 15 years from now?

Fareed Zakaria: (32:52)
Yeah, it's a great question, and it's a big question. The way I think about it is what the pandemic did was it massively accelerated an ongoing trend, which is, we were clearly transitioning to a greater and greater digital life, but it's massively accelerated it. Look at telehealth. It was very hard to get people to go to their doctors. People like to go and physically meet with the doctor. The doctor like to meet with you because the doctor got paid more when they met with you.

Fareed Zakaria: (33:21)
Suddenly COVID has eliminated all those human obstacles, and you're going to have one billion tele visits or health visits by the end of 2020. Most people had predicted that would take about 10 years to happen. So you're massively accelerating it. Now in doing that, my fear, there are a lot of hopeful things about that because it massively increases productivity. It massively increases the scale at which you can operate.

Fareed Zakaria: (33:48)
Think about education. One of the things that will come out of this is we're doing it badly right now, but online education will be totally transformed because by having this huge, massive stress test to the system, we're going to figure out what pieces work, what pieces don't work so well. I've got a son in college who already, they're all piecing it together. They're realizing, if it's a lecture, Zoom works fine. In fact, you don't even need to Zoom, you can listen to the lecture as a podcast while you're doing something else. You're biking or you're running or you're walking.

Fareed Zakaria: (34:24)
But for a discussion section, Zoom is not that great because you don't ... so you're finding some areas where the technology is actually great. You're finding in some areas where it needs a lot of work, you need to supplement it. I find that with dealing with my teams for the show. Building social capital on Zoom is very hard, spending it is easy. If you already have good relations with people, you already have a good working environment, you can execute. But what about the new person? What about the new process? What about the new ... what about the little stuff that you haven't thought about?

Fareed Zakaria: (34:57)
So all that is the challenge, the dark side, and I end with this is it's happening really fast. So if you think about globalization, one of the reasons we're in the situation we are with the anti-globalization mood is that China and perhaps to a lesser extent India, were just such large shocks to the system. Before that, when we had expanded globalization, what did it mean? Japan came online, 50 million people, South Korea came online, 30 million people. Singapore, Taiwan, 10, 15 million people in total. And then you get China, one billion people. Then you get India at the time, 800 million people. And so the scale was just so much larger than anything we had dealt with before that it did cause an impact both economically and politically. I worry that the speed with which we are now going to make this digital transition is going to just be devastating.

Fareed Zakaria: (35:57)
So let's say it transforms the restaurant industry, which I think it will. And you will have a much greater degree of online web based delivery systems at a smaller number of high-end restaurants, where you go for the real experience of a kind of really cool bars where you're going for the atmosphere. So there will be some kind of sort. Normally, maybe it would have taken 20 years for this to happen. If it happens in the next two years, what happens to all those people who were waiters and busboys and the bellhop at hotels? So change is good, but when change accelerates that fast and almost unnaturally, are we ready for it? And that's one of the reasons that I come back to the importance of government as a stabilizing force to try to help us get through what is in a crazily accelerated transition to digital.

John Darsie: (36:53)
So what are those solutions? That's a great segue to a couple of audience questions. There was one that was focused on India. India is obviously undergoing massive economic development and digital development. You're seeing the growth of the technology industry is very fast right now in a place like India. It's the same type of phenomenon we've seen across the world in China and the United States. What type of government policies do we need?

John Darsie: (37:16)
Obviously, you talked about technology providing a more level playing field in terms of access to telemedicine and health care, better access to at least the bare minimum quality of education in the form of lectures and things like that. What type of government policy specifically would you like to see in the United States or elsewhere to make sure that people on the bottom rungs of the ladder at least have the means to live not an impoverished life?

Fareed Zakaria: (37:42)
It's a great question. Look, it's quite different I would say honestly. A place like India, you're still facing the fundamental challenge that about 600 million people in India still live on less than $2 a day. And one of the reasons is that the Indian economy remains very closed, very regulated, very socialistic. And so in India, the answer is open up, open up, open up, you need growth. You cannot get those people out of poverty without growth.

Fareed Zakaria: (38:13)
China is the perfect example of that. You have to focus first and foremost on growth. And you have to focus on employment friendly industries. The places that employ large numbers of people. And for India, that means you've got to do everything. You've got to do factories. You got to do retail. You got to do large-scale agro. You've got to find ways to open up the labor markets, bring in foreign investment. It's all the traditional mechanisms that have allowed countries to grow by embracing markets, by embracing development, by embracing trade.

Fareed Zakaria: (38:47)
For India, you've got to a long way to go before you start having the problems of too much growth, too much development. So in India, I would say, really think of just opening up, and all the technology is good because it leapfrogs all kinds of ruin-ness and dysfunctional technology. So there's a 4G system in India that's been put in place, amazing for increasing productivity for farmers, for laborers, for anybody.

Fareed Zakaria: (39:16)
The US and the Western world faces a different problem, which is the traditional working class of these countries. The non-educated working class, by which I mean people without college degrees or even much technical training, and it's important to make that distinction. Workers with technical training, for example, electricians, plumbers, are doing fine, and they can adapt very well to the new economy. They can adapt to working on wind turbines or solar panels or whatever it is.

Fareed Zakaria: (39:46)
But it is a more traditional working class, the less skilled, what would have been called semi-skilled jobs that is much harder hit. For these people I think you just, as I was saying to Anthony, you got to spend more money. I mean, we've been very ... Obama gave a great speech once or some remarks where he talked about the signing of, I think it was the South Korean free trade deal. And he said, "We all know that the trade is good and more trade is good. It opens up, it grows the buy, but we always say, we understand that it dislocates some people and we should spend money on them, and then we never spend any money on them and then that resentment grows."

Fareed Zakaria: (40:25)
It was prophetic in a way, because that has been our principle problem. We know that there is going to be a period of dislocation, and there are going to be parts of the country that are dislocated. And in other words, this is not spread evenly throughout the country that you get all the benefits evenly and all the costs to people. The benefits are spread roughly evenly. The costs are highly concentrated in particular towns, in Pennsylvania, in Wisconsin, in Michigan, in Ohio. And you have to have a strategy that addresses that. And frankly, that helps these people.

Fareed Zakaria: (41:00)
Some of it is just cash. Some of it is retraining. Some of it is figuring out new apprenticeship programs. Well, we need something on the scale of the GI bill. The great thing about the GI bill was it was a very American and ingenious solution, which was, the federal government will pay, but it will not administer anything. The private sector, as it were, colleges, both state, religiously oriented, private would provide the service. So the deal was, if you'd been a GI and you presented your proof of it, you could go to any college for any degree of any kind and the federal government would pay.

Fareed Zakaria: (41:40)
I think that the federal government does very well writing checks. They know how to do that very well, but administrating stuff they're less good at. So try and find a similar, where maybe the private sector identifies the needs. Here's what we have. We need welders, we need whatever. The federal government provides the resources and the community colleges maybe, or state colleges do the training, some kind of triangle like that. And what stops you just to be clear is, it's not that we couldn't come up with the genius programs, What stops us is the resources. You'd have to spend a lot of money. I'm talking about tens of billions of dollars on this.

John Darsie: (42:19)
So you talk about, we're going to leave with one last question. You talk a lot about these trends, and in a lot of ways, the book is very depressing or concerning because you see so many things happening that are moving us in the wrong direction as a world. But let's imagine five, 10 years in the future. Let's say we have a change in administration in the United States. Vice president Biden wins the election as the poll seemed to indicate that he will.

John Darsie: (42:44)
Do you think this rise in nationalism and this attack on globalism is a permanent phenomenon that's going to continue, or if not permanent, at least a cyclical phenomenon that's going to continue for 10 to 20 years, and it's really going to erode our ability to fight things like climate change and global poverty? Or do you think that we can do a course correction right now at this moment in time and move back into a direction that is more stable in terms of global peace, global prosperity?

Fareed Zakaria: (43:13)
Look, I hope we can. I'll tell you why.

John Darsie: (43:15)
No problem.

Fareed Zakaria: (43:16)
You talk to any venture capitalists in Silicon Valley and you ask them, what do you want? What's the first kind of person you want? The first kind of person you want is like Elon Musk who succeeded at two or three different things. But let's say you can't get Elon Musk. You want somebody who failed, but who learned from that failure. I think that the key here is do we have the capacity to learn? We're going through some very tough stuff, but you only change when you fail. As a company, as an individual, as a country, it's easy to do nothing when times are good. But it's when times are hard, when you face dislocation already, when you're looking at failure, you now have the chance and the opportunity to change.

Fareed Zakaria: (44:03)
So I think we should view this and not sugarcoat it and say, look, we failed in our response to this pandemic. And by the way, a lot of countries failed, what can we learn? How do we do it better? We have the opportunity to embrace a different future because stuff is already so dislocated. People are open to the idea that we need to figure this out better. I look at the European Union, they started off their response to the pandemic was very much like ours, close, narrow, selfish, turn inward. The Italian started blaming the Germans. The Germans started blaming the Italians. And then there was a kind of come to Jesus moment where they thought to themselves, wait a minute, what are we doing here?

Fareed Zakaria: (44:43)
We're screwing up the entire European experiment. And instead what they did was they reversed course. And the Germans for the first time along with the French, essentially agreed to those, what was always called Euro bonds, basically to guarantee the debt of the poorer countries so that they could all get out of this. And doing that, they're also creating stronger bonds among the Europeans than they had before. So I predict that the European Union will come out of this crisis actually stronger than it was going into the crisis.

Fareed Zakaria: (45:16)
So in a way, why can't the world do the same? Because the truth is we've all been drawn inward, but we are all coming to realize you can only solve this together. It's a global pandemic by definition. We're not safe unless everybody is safe. We're not going to be safe either with climate change if we don't do it together. We're not going to be safe with space wars if we don't do it together. There're so many of these challenges that really require not global government, which that's a kind of bugaboo that people do to scare, but global governance. Agreements made by sovereign governments to cooperate.

Fareed Zakaria: (45:52)
And by the way, that's how human beings have survived. I mean, we've survived because of a strange mix of competition and cooperation, but the evolutionary biologists will tell you, the dominant trait was that we know how to cooperate. We know how to therefore operate at scale, and we know how to get to win wins. And what we need to do now for the world is get to a win-win.

John Darsie: (46:14)
All right. Well, that's a perfect place to leave it, an optimistic message. Thank you Fareed so much for joining us. It's an absolute pleasure. We would encourage everyone to go out and read your book. It's sitting right behind Fareed right now. Thanks again, everybody for joining us and thanks again Fareed for taking the time to sit down with us on SALT Talks.

Fareed Zakaria: (46:31)
A real pleasure. Take care, guys.

Michelle Williams: Public Health is "Undervalued & Underinvested" | SALT Talks #87

“The richest country in the world, we spend more money on health than anyone else, but we consistently rank in the bottom for all of the population health metrics.”

Michelle Williams is Dean of the Faculty for the Harvard Chan School of Public Health as well as the Angelopoulos Professor in Public Health and International Development, which is a joint faculty appointment at the Harvard Chan School as well as the Harvard Kennedy School. Dean Williams is an internationally renowned epidemiologist and public health scientist, an award-winning educator and a widely recognized academic leader. She was elected to the National Academy of Medicine in 2016.

The failures of the United States’ COVID response can be connected to a distinct lack of leadership and institutional distrust of science, but that’s only part of the problem. Long-term problems existed before the pandemic, due to chronic underinvestment, that have been exposed by the pandemic. While it’s highlighted the problems, it also presents an opportunity to renew the call for impactful and long-term public health investment. “Public health for far too long has been sort of unseen and undervalued and underinvested.”

Private sector CEOs now recognize that they are in the public health industry because we see the effects on business when public health institutions are not supported. Organizations across industries and fields are starting to de-silo and come together to promote the core fundamental principles of disease prevention, health promotion, protection and preservation of health.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Michelle A. Williams.jpg

Michelle Williams

Dean

Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello everyone and welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the managing director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology, and public policy. SALT Talks are a digital interview series that we launched during this work from home period, with leading investors, creators, and thinkers. What were trying to do on these SALT Talks, is replicate the experience that we provide at our global conferences, the SALT Conference, and that's really to provide our audience a window into the mind of subject matter experts as well as provide a platform for what we think are big ideas that are shaping the future. We're very excited today to welcome Dean Michelle Williams to Salt Talks.

John Darsie: (00:47)
Dean Williams is the dean of Faculty for the Harvard Chan School of Public Health as well as the Angelopoulos Professor in Public Health and International Development, which is a joint faculty appointment at the Harvard Chan School as well as the Harvard Kennedy School. Dean Williams is an internationally renown epidemiologist and public health scientist, an award winning educator and a widely recognized academic leader. Prior to becoming dean, she was a professor and chair of the Department of Epidemiology at Harvard Chan and program leader of the population health and health disparities research programs at Harvard's Clinical and Translational Sciences Center. Dean Williams previous had a distinguished career at the University of Washington School of Public Health. Her scientific work places special emphasis in the areas of reproductive, perinatal, pediatric, and molecular epidemiology. She was elected to the National Academy of Medicine in 2016.

John Darsie: (01:45)
A reminder, if you have any questions for Dean Williams during today, you can enter them in the Q & A box on the bottom of your video screen on Zoom, and hosting today's talk is Anthony Scaramucci, who's the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital. He's also the chairman of SALT. And with that, I'll turn it over to Anthony for the interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:02)
John, thank you. Dean Williams it's just a great honor to have you on. The rumor has it, I've learned from mutual friends that you're from Queens, is that true?

Michelle A. Williams: (02:12)
That's right. I'm from Queens Village.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:14)
All right, so are we a Met or a Yankee fan?

Michelle A. Williams: (02:17)
I am a Met fan.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:18)
Okay, so this could be easy interview-

Michelle A. Williams: (02:20)
I grew up a Met fan.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:22)
... for you then. I had two separate sets of questions. If you said, "Yankee fan," we were going with the really rough stuff. Now, I'm putting the rough stuff down, we're going with the layup questions. Okay?

Michelle A. Williams: (02:31)
All right.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:32)
Because you've suffered enough Dean, you've suffered enough, let's face it. We've lived in a house of pain for four decades. All right, well, terrific. Thank you for being on. How did you start this amazing career? Let's go from Queens Village to where you are today, and what were you thinking about as a kid? And how did you end up where you are?

Michelle A. Williams: (02:51)
Thanks for asking that question. I'm an immigrant kid. My parents immigrated to the United States when I was seven, and my father did that because he understood that education was really the social driver that lifts all boats, and while he wasn't afforded that opportunity, he wanted his kids, three girls, to have that. We ended up in Queens. Queens, New York, Cambria Heights Queens Village in public schools. I got noticed by really good teachers, who recognized my talent and always worked to get me in the right classrooms at the right time. This is a great country where a immigrant kid can go to public schools in New York and end up at Ivy League education. I know, Anthony, that's no so dissimilar from your own background.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:46)
My mother thought it was Hartford Law School, Dean. When I was packing the car up for Labor Day weekend, 1986, my mother had the map out. She was heading for Hartford. I said, "Ma, no, it's by Tufts, it's up in..." "Why would they call it Hartford Law School if it's not in Hartford?" That has been a standing joke in our family for the last 34 years. No, I get it, but it's a real tribute to you, tribute to your family, and obviously, we both have a great fondness for the university.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:16)
The United States is in a pretty difficult time. We're in the middle of, I would probably say it's the worse pandemic since... Some people are comparing it the Hong Kong Flu in the mid to late '60s, but I think it's more like Spanish Flu [inaudible 00:04:31]. Feels that way to me, but you're the epidemiologist. Tell me what we're doing wrong. What would you suggest that we would do to have better mortality rates, get them more consistent with places like south Korea, curb the spread of the virus like Germany? What would you like to see done if you could wave the magic wand and you could be the epidemiological czar the COVID-19 crisis?

Michelle A. Williams: (04:58)
That's a great question, and I'm going to try to approach it from a core fundamental place. Because, Anthony, this problem stems... our lack of capacity to respond, stems from some acute issues around lack of leadership and lack of trust and appropriated appreciation for science and scientist's voices. But there are also some long-term problems that lead us to this place, and that is a chronic underinvestment in public health.

Michelle A. Williams: (05:31)
Public health for far too long has been sort of unseen and undervalued and underinvested. We, for too long, have not had the appropriate investment in the public health workforce, the public health infrastructure, and the public tools. The riches country in the world, we spend more money on health than anyone else, but we consistently rank in the bottom for all of the population health metrics. We've got to do better. I think, what we've learned from COVID is public health is a primary factor in our civic life. It's a primary player that undergirds our economic security and our national security.

Michelle A. Williams: (06:18)
One of the things that went wrong, we can correct right now, and I think we have an opportunity to do that, because there is an acute awareness now of the primacy of public health in society, in our business, and in our life and in our national security. Rather than dwell on what we have gotten wrong, we need to seize this moment and turn it into a movement, where the mission is to invest in public health, in the tools, the people, and the partnerships. One of the things that I've seen happen, and we hope will continue to happen, is de-siloing the systems that we have. Academics should be working closely with government, should be working with philanthropists, should be working with the private sector, because we're all in this together.

Michelle A. Williams: (07:11)
The private sector are now really fully realizing that they're in the public health business, and so it's one of the reasons we've created a program that brings CEO leaders of the biggest and smallest companies, a full range of them, into the public health space, where we can start to work together on infusing decisions around sustainable workforce, sustainable environment, building that trust with consumers by educating them with the core fundamental principles of disease prevention, health promotion, protection and preservation of health. And that happens through using data wisely to prepare for disasters, natural and manmade, and to have a response system that's robust.

Anthony Scaramucci: (08:06)
Well, all that's right, and I want to get into the course, the C-suites, course in a second, but I want to ask you two follow-up questions. The first one is related to this safety net in United States, because I think we both grew up in certain areas of the country and have empathy for people that may not have done as well, frankly, as you and I have done, from those areas of the country, and now a pandemic upon us, we realize our health system maybe as weak as the weakest link in our health system.

Anthony Scaramucci: (08:39)
So I could be sitting here with a Cadillac health insurance policy, but now, I've got people in my neighborhood that may not be doing as well, which would lead to sickness in my family. It's sort of pervasive thing, and I'm wondering if this is going to create the awareness necessary to have something that is more sturdy at the bottom than even Obamacare, frankly. Again, I'm not calling for single healthcare paying, I believe that we should have a hybrid, more or less as the vice president as expressed, but what are your thoughts on that? Do you think that this is a breakthrough moment for us politically on the healthcare and public healthcare side? Or do you think it's going to be status quo going forward?

Michelle A. Williams: (09:24)
It can't be status quo going forward. I'm going to be a strategic optimist and I'm going to say that more of us across all sectors are learning that there is a huge cost that we are all paying, whether we are aware of it or not, by not having a good solid safety net. Citi just release a report that put dollars to that problem of indifference around a social safety net, and that is driven in large part by our 401 years of inequality passed on race and racism. Citi basically reported, just a week or two ago, that our GDP has been hammered at the order of $16 billion, by our inattentiveness to inequality, which is a very bog factor around the issues of inequity and really poor health disparity outcomes that we see in the neighborhoods that we're familiar with and that you started to allude to.

Michelle A. Williams: (10:28)
I think that there is an increasing awareness that there is a cost to our indifference about the most vulnerable in our society, and it's not sustainable nor is it wise economically for us to have a blind eye to this problem. I am seeing many different people across sectors step up and take on responsibility in building capacity in communities that have been historically deprived, investing in schools, creating opportunities for meaningful jobs, and economic employment for people who have been left behind. I hope we can be really strategic in capturing the best lessons learned from these kinds of investments, and bring them forward so that they can be brought to scale in communities that really need help.

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:27)
I think it's very well said. You're also combating... Again, this is my opinion, I'm editorializing a little, and if you disagree, please chime in, but I think we're also battling some level of information crisis, it's a misinformation crisis almost. We've got conflicting ideas about wearing masks versus not wearing masks. We have doctors inside the White House that say, "It's okay not to wear one." We have someone like Anthony Fauci insisting that it's important too or Dr. Birx insisting that it's important too. How do you, at your level, combat that misinformation? What would you recommend to the average citizen to get more educated? What would you recommend to [inaudible 00:12:07]? We seemed have politicized, now, science, which has me very, very concerned.

Michelle A. Williams: (12:12)
Yeah. Now, Anthony, that's a very important question, and I think the first thing we have to recognize is this is not new. That misinformation has been a challenge and a threat to public health for a very long time, but I think because we have had, now, several institutions be challenged because of the politicization of global health and public health, it does begin to feel like an existential threat, and indeed it is.

Michelle A. Williams: (12:42)
I think the first thing that people have to recognize is if it sounds too good to be true, get your information from trusted sources. Academics are still regarded as a trusted source for information, and one of the things that we have to do in the academy is to make sure that we are as deeply engaged in the national conversations and global conversations as we can be, and we should bring that information down to the level where people are at. I think it's going to take whole society and all of our sectors to be very mindful, strategic, and proactive about seeking out those sources of misinformation and breaking the chain of dissemination of this information. And we're going to have to do some science, Anthony, because like all useful tools, sometimes they're going to be used for good and sometimes they're going to be used for bad, and we're going to have to develop appropriate policies that protect rights and freedom of speech, but also protect the public from harmful, misleading information.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:55)
How can businesses help in this area? How can they help prepare us better?

Michelle A. Williams: (14:02)
That's a great question. I don't have an immediate answer, but I will tell you what's really important, because I've seen business and leaders stand up and take a pro public health position. Just speaking about how masks... Masks, very basic, very important instrument, public health instrument for breaking the chain of COVID-19 transmission, and for me, as an academic my entire professional life, to see C-suite executives for some of the biggest companies across different sectors stand up and make a clear statement to promote the use of masks, was powerful.

Michelle A. Williams: (14:47)
And I think ever student of public health, every person in our nation and in the world, should begin to recognize that it is an unfortunate, past perception that business bad, not business good. That false dichotomy has in a way robbed us of the opportunity to work together collectively to have leaders in business be part of the narrative of a public health forward way of thinking and doing. I think if we breakdown silos and continue to engage in a conversation in the narrative about what is good for public health is also good in the overall conceptualization of society, we'll be a healthier place. Because we are in this together, and if COVID did anything for us, it made that so clear to all of us that one should not get caught up in the false dichotomy of trading business or wealth for health. They are intimately intertwined and they have to work together in order to bring forward an equitable society. CEOs play a big role in that.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:05)
Well, and I appreciate you sharing that with us. This is more of a meta-question, actually, this is something I've been thinking about, David Quammen, in 2012, wrote a book called Spillover and in the book he basically is saying that we are now spilling over into the animal kingdom, because the size and the scale of the human population, a result of which, and you'll have to forgive me because I never pronounce things right, but I think it's called zoonotic or zootropic [crosstalk 00:16:33], zoonotic transfers of diseases. You can get a virus in a bat, a horseshoe bat, or get a virus in a pangolin or something like that, and all of a sudden, it jumps into the human species, and we're not biologically prepared for it, from an immunological perspective, is that going to happen more and more?

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:52)
His contention, and he wrote the book in 2012, what that it would happen more, and he more or less predicted what unfolded in 2020. Is this something we need to be worried about?

Michelle A. Williams: (17:05)
That's a very important question, and I'll say that this is something from the perspective of understanding how climate change impacts human health. This is a very big question, and it is one of the primary pressing challenges to human health going forward, and it's why, at the Harvard Chan School, we are focused very much on understanding how climate change, the many different ways climate change impacts human health. And this incrosion of zoonotic infections into the lives and livelihood of populations is in part a downstream consequence of changes in our physical environment. Changes brought about largely by how we live, work, and interact with our environment.

Michelle A. Williams: (17:58)
How those changes contribute to alterations in our ecosystem that puts animals and pathogens more in line of our path, and this is where emerging and reemerging infections as a result of climate change, is one of our big challenges. Lime disease is an example, as our environment changes and as vectors that carry these pathogens commingle in spaces where we are, we well end up with a higher likelihood of exposure and risk. One of the things about public health, Anthony, is it's about connecting dots, and it's about understanding how how we live and work and operate in our environment, changes the environment in ways that either mitigate or amplify environmental risks to human health, and that's what he's getting at in the book.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:00)
Yeah, and it's a very interesting point. Fareed Zakaria, who were going to be interviewing on Monday, just wrote a book about the 10 lessons in the post pandemic world, and in the book, he writes something that I wanted to ask you about, which is the butterfly effect. Something is happening on one side of the world, it seems like a minor thing, but it's having a deep impact on the rest of the world. And one thing that is happening as our societies are getting more western in terms of their consumption-based style of capitalism, they're eating more meat, more meat products, the result of which, we're raising more animals to slaughter to create the consumption of meat, the introduction of antibiotics and other things to, excuse me, help this process, is it affecting the ecosystem in the way that it's also contributing to the situation we're living in now, like COVID-19?

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:56)
Or will other situations sprout up from this? Or is this something not to worry about? If you talk to the farmers, they're dead set against it, but they are self-interested, they tell you not to worry about it. But if we talk to some biologists, they say, "Boy we should really be worried about this disruption." What's your opinion?

Michelle A. Williams: (20:13)
Anthony, this is really important. I got to tell you, because it touches on very many key topics. Let's just talk about-

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:22)
If you said you were a Yankee fan, I wouldn't be asking these questions, but since you said you were a Met fan, I went in this direction.

Michelle A. Williams: (20:28)
It's all right, it's all right. I have to say, I went to Bayside High School, and our colors were Mets colors-

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:33)
I bet.

Michelle A. Williams: (20:34)
... and the Mets played right outside of... they were right there. It's where I went to high school.

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:40)
You got me at hello Dean. You got me at hello. I'm sending you the virtual hug, the one that doesn't give you disease.

Michelle A. Williams: (20:48)
So you know [crosstalk 00:20:49] the orange and blue, I'm an orange and blue girl.

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:52)
What do you think about that question? Where do you think we are?

Michelle A. Williams: (20:54)
I think it's really an important question, and I wish and I hope that more people get into this conversation, because just think about, we're in this together, we've got one planet, and the health of that planet is important to all of us. The fires that are happening out West right now, we on the East coast, we're like, "Whoa, is they. Whoa, are they because they're dealing with these fires and the smokes." But just think about on any given day, the jet stream can bring that smoke right here on the East coast, and it has already, and impact the respiratory function of all us, those who are close as well as those who are distant.

Michelle A. Williams: (21:41)
Anti-microbial resistance, this is where some of public health and medicine's best tools for lifesaving against infectious disease, we're running out of medications to help protect us from emerging and reemerging infections, because of overuse of antibiotics, and we can't say it's their problem because they're over there overusing antibiotics. If there is a problem in part of the world, it's everybody's problem, and I think it's really fundamentally important for us to use this moment to educate people that this everybody's problem. When we were watching COVID shut down the East coast cities, cities where we grew up and where we still live, I knew that our friends in the southeast, in the rural communities, were going to get hammered.

Michelle A. Williams: (22:44)
And the idea was, "Let's communicate to them now that we're all in this together. It's an infectious disease, it is a contagion, and it's only a matter of time before it hits your communities, so let's work collectively, collaboratively in preventing the spread of this disease." We have to get to a place, where people understand that we are all part of a social contract to each other for our own sustainability and for the sustainability for the planet that we want to live on and we want our children and their children to thrive. It's fundamental that we have more people understand that we have a collective responsibility to protect our physical environment and do so in a way that is sustainable and equitable.

Anthony Scaramucci: (23:38)
I have a few more questions. John, has obviously got a ton of questions that are queuing up from our audience participation Dean, and I think it's well said, but I want to get the central idea for public health and public safety. Let's go across the spectrum. Everybody needs healthcare, in a rich country like ours, yes or no?

Michelle A. Williams: (24:05)
Yes, but can I just say, it's not just about healthcare. 80 to 90% of what we call health and wellness, happens up stream and outside of the healthcare delivery system. Health and wellness is driven by factors that are not in hospitals, they're driven by equitable educational opportunities, living wage, secure housing, healthy foods, a place to live, learn, work, and play that supports the enable of our mental health and wellness as well as our physical health. We have to get society to understand that health doesn't begin in a hospital, it begins long before that and it's intergenerational.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:57)
Yeah, and the way we eat and drink, obviously, and smoke has a big impact on this stuff, so we agree, but you are saying we do need a healthcare system that provides coverage for all of us, I think we would agree on that-

Michelle A. Williams: (25:15)
Yes.

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:15)
... but I want to hear it from you.

Michelle A. Williams: (25:16)
Yes.

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:16)
And then the secondary thing, I guess, I have for you is related to what your statement is about the prevention of poor health, and that is creating a platform of equal opportunity. You obviously got raised in a middle class neighborhood or lower middle class neighborhood, like I did, but you had some good teaching, maybe, some great parents, a combination of different things, and well, you're now where you are. How do we try to create that platform of opportunity for people that were similarly situated? And it seems like it's tougher today, Dean, based on my observation and my travels around the United States, it's tougher today. What do we have to do?

Michelle A. Williams: (26:02)
I think having a conversation like this is key. I think we have to communicate that building these platforms, sustaining these platforms that enable the thriving of populations is good for business. I think it's important to recognize that having a public safety net is not charity, it is essential, it is the bedrock for doing good business, because having the public health values of health promotion and prevention of diseases built into your business plan, ensures that you've got a healthy and thriving workforce, that is present at work. And it ensures that the consumers have the security and the enthusiasm about engaging in civil society and in commerce, and we need to have that virtuous cycle of health, wellness, and the investment in sustaining that health and wellness, to keep the workforce, the human capacity, both on the production side as well as the commerce side going.

Michelle A. Williams: (27:12)
Public health is fundamental to our economic as well as national security. The idea here is to point out, whenever possible and to everybody, the returns on investment for securing, supporting, and enabling populations to develop healthfully across the life course, is good for business, it's good for society, and one should to have to be put in a position to choose wealth over health, they are inextricably intertwined in ways that we have to appreciate and support.

Anthony Scaramucci: (27:53)
Well, it's very well said. I think one of the big issues and something happened, we can talk about this, but we probably need some sociological help as well, but we're starting to care more about ourselves and less about each other. The result of which now, we're moving away from each other, and we're stockading each other, but you can't do that, because you don't want to be, like I said, living in that McMansion while your fellow neighbor is suffering. We have to figure out how to... Again, I'm obviously a capitalist, my capitalist friends don't get it, if they don't start acting now, through the C-suite, through the corporations, it's going to be mandated upon them by the government, and that's going to create a misallocation of resources. As opposed to having a private/public partnership to get it done, which would probably be more efficient, offer greater economic utility to everybody.

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:52)
Well, Dean, this has been terrific, I really appreciate the opportunity for you to speak with us. I've got a ton more questions, we always at this point in our conversation, we flip it over to the audience. And so I'm going to turn it over to John Darsie, who's trying to outshine us with that stupid bookcase of his, but that's okay. I'm in the Beverly Hills Hotel, but I just want everybody to know, when this SALT cast is over, I'm going out to the cabana by the pool. It won't necessarily be on room rater, but I'm going to have a better room rating than both of you guys in about an hour. I just wanted everybody to know that. Go ahead, John.

John Darsie: (29:26)
I can't argue with that. Hopefully, the fumes from those fires and things are filtering down to the Beverly Hills Hotel Anthony.

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:33)
Pretty air quality today [crosstalk 00:29:34]-

John Darsie: (29:34)
We pray for your good health. Dean, I want to you talk about... I understand there's a course that you have launched for C-suite executives to educate people in business about what they can do to keep their employees and customers healthy and contribute to a lot of the public health issues that you've spoken about on this call. Can you tell us more about that course? Why you launched it? And Why it's so important today that we get business leaders more educated about these topics?

Michelle A. Williams: (30:01)
Sure, John, thanks for that. The course came about through a number of conversations I was having with the CEOs from a number about companies across different sectors. These conversations started around, "We've got a novel virus that is threatening the globe, and I've got workers and I've consumers who have questions. And the questions are around, how do we respond during a time of crisis, in a way that is ensuring public safety?" These conversations, the pattern was, how do we bring public health, how do we bring risk management and risk mitigation principles into the business plan going forward, while we manage COVID and after COVID?

Michelle A. Williams: (30:56)
The conversations across multiple sectors with a number of CEOs, lead us to creating a course. The course is really to bring the foundational knowledge of public health, which is prevention, preparedness, and response oriented to being with, into the modeling and business planning across different sectors, so that's what we're doing. I think my colleagues gave you a link to the website. The goal here is to put together academic and private and public partnerships in a way where we share knowledge, actionable knowledge that allows one to address concerns that would impact the health and wellness and safety of a workforce and would address concerns that consumers will have about what safety protocols are put into place, and how those protocols are designed to really allow for a safe way to reengage in commerce.

Michelle A. Williams: (32:01)
It's been an incredible opportunity to de-silo the work that we do in the business sector and the academic sector, and it's creating an opportunity to put public health really into the bedrock of business planning.

John Darsie: (32:19)
It's interesting, you talk about that decoupling. I think we've all experienced a coming together of our work life and our home life, and you talked about the important need to create a social safety net and to create environments at home for people, so they can become more educated about public health, so they can reinforce good habits. How do you think the pandemic, long-term, is going to affect the workplace, the workforce, and how we blend our personal life and business life? Again, going back to Anthony's question about solutions for preventive healthcare, what types of measures would you like to see put in place that could solve a lot of those things, with a view towards post-pandemic workplace and workforce?

Michelle A. Williams: (32:59)
Well, I think work is going to be defined differently, what is work is now constantly being evaluated. First of all, the health and safety of the workforce is now more front and center than before. If you've noticed, when do you start to define and end the definition of essential workers? The pandemic has forced us to realize just how incredibly important our workforce is across all of the different domains, and the fact is, the challenge to identify a part of the workforce that's not essential is almost impossible.

Michelle A. Williams: (33:40)
People are now seeing how low wage, low income earners are so fundamental to the way our society has to operate. Where we work and where we have to work, is also being upended. We have all learned that we could use technology to adapt to working remotely and to have some very big benefits, where we are adding hours back to our life, because we're not commuting as much, and the physical environment is being improved because carbon emissions are brought down, because we are not zipping across the continents for a half day meeting and zipping back. We are learning through these natural experiments that we can conduct our business without as much travel and without as much place-based embeddedness as before, pre-COVID.

Michelle A. Williams: (34:43)
Now, there are going to be some challenges. The mental health burden that is being illustrated across all sectors as a result of the uncertainty and the physical threats of this pandemic, not to mention the economic fall out that so many people are suffering, from job loss, has brought forward a very high burden of mental health illnesses that we have to take care of. As a public health person who connects the dots, I can go on about the many good things that we've learned as a result of COVID around what the workforce can look like and what the workplace can be defined going forward, and some of the bad things.

Michelle A. Williams: (35:27)
Just one other point, the fact that we can now use a telemedicine platform to deliver healthcare, should be a very important lesson for those of us who live in communities where the ratio of medical specialists to the need are not in a good space or place for healthcare delivery. And we have learned some important lessons about the adoption and the reception and how enthusiastically patients receive telemedicine, to think about how we can use that platform to better provide high quality, primary care at lower costs and at greater levels of accessibility.

John Darsie: (36:14)
To your point, my brother's a radiologist, and there's a dearth of qualified radiologists around the country, but they've found ways to use technology. Some people talk about how things like AI could replace certain elements of physical doctors, but really it's a tool to enhance and scale quality healthcare, so it's a really exciting development.

Michelle A. Williams: (36:35)
Yeah.

John Darsie: (36:36)
I want to talk about global cooperation. We've talked about the United States, how individually, we've had a difficult time containing the virus. Some other countries have done better, and they've adopted different policies that have allowed them to, not maybe fully extinguish the virus, but limit the spread and limit the mortality rate. The World Health Organization has come under some criticism for its slow response early on in the pandemic and some of the steps that it took, but without really diving necessarily into the WHO, what are ways, globally, that we can do a better job of coordinating responses, and not just responses, coordinating prevention of the spread of pathological diseases as well as general public health issues?

Michelle A. Williams: (37:17)
No, thank you for that question. I would say, the World Health Organization, the FDA, the Centers for Disease Control, these are vitally important institutions that support our public health and global health agendas, and they've all been challenges for local and global reasons. The World Health Organization has a very difficult and complex mandate, and that is to anticipate and to respond to threats to human health globally. And that requires leadership and a commitment of leadership to collaborating and being thoughtful about local and global government's issues.

Michelle A. Williams: (38:12)
I have to say, as an institution, I'm hopeful that we will get back to a place where the US is appropriately involved and engaged as a global citizen, as a leader in positioning the World Health Organization to be responsible to our needs. It's as I was saying to Anthony earlier, the threats to humanity, know no boundaries and COVID makes that very clear. Antimicrobial resistance, air pollution, the issues around climate change, these are threats that are global in scope, and we have to find ways to have public, private, global governance engaged and committed to collaboration, to problem solving.

Michelle A. Williams: (39:08)
I think academic leaders, like myself and others across the country, have to use our voices to promote to populations everywhere that decisions around leadership have to include leadership that is invested in a public health and a global health mission, because the challenges are enormous, but we do have the talent and the capacity, if we choose to work together to address these problems. And it can't be an isolated solution, it's got to be where the global good of these solutions are appreciated and there's a commitment to make them a global good.

Michelle A. Williams: (39:52)
For example, for us to get back to a sense of normal, post-COVID, we will need for leaders to recognize that safe and efficacious vaccines have to be managed as a global good. That is the quintessential challenge in front of all of us right now. It is a public health and global health challenge, and the CDC, FDA, WHO are all needed to be strong institutions to help us operationalize on that global good.

John Darsie: (40:31)
Yeah, it's one of the disheartening things that you see is that people... Take polio as an example, we've eradicated, basically, polio from our society, but you have people today who say, "Well, the disease has been eradicated, we don't need to take the vaccine anymore. We don't need to vaccinate our children, and you're starting actually to see an uptick in cases of polio, because people are unwilling to get their children vaccinated for personal reasons, but really it's more about the public good. It's difficult in a society like the United States, which values freedom and personal choice, to ensure that people make those decisions that are part of the greater good.

Michelle A. Williams: (41:06)
Yeah, I think it's incumbent on us to educate. I don't mean to preach and I don't mean judge-

John Darsie: (41:14)
Right, please, do preach. Please, do preach.

Michelle A. Williams: (41:17)
... but I think it's incumbent of us to share the public health values, and to illustrate how this issue of a social contract that we all have for each other, for our family members, for our communities, for our society, and for the planet brings us together as a human race, that we have to find ways to work together. And to think that it's not just the individual, because we are, I over use this word but, we're so deeply interconnected, even more so now, because of the technology and our ease of travel.

John Darsie: (41:59)
Right. Well, Dean Williams, we're so thankful for you taking the time to speak with us. I know in the middle of a global pandemic, you're as busy as anybody in the world, right now, not just managing all of your academic responsibilities, but also trying to help solve some of these social issues.So we're very grateful. And we want to remind everyone about that course at the Harvard Chan School of Public Health. We're going to send a link around to everyone who registered for this talk, and also we're going to send the link on all of our social media outlets as well, to that course, where can go online and learn more about it. We're going to try and get Anthony involved in that as well, so we can make sure that our SkyBridge staff is not just healthy in the pandemic, but reinforces strong public health principles going forward.

Michelle A. Williams: (42:41)
Awesome.

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:41)
He's eating a lot junk food, Dean. He's taking advantage of his youth, so he's [crosstalk 00:42:46], I just want you to know that. I'm only eating junk food 16 hours a day, John is eating it 24. I just wanted everybody to know. I'm down to 16 hours a day of junk food Dean.

Michelle A. Williams: (43:01)
Well, listen, I went to your restaurant, I took my son for a special dinner, at the-

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:08)
Oh, great.

Michelle A. Williams: (43:10)
... is it the Fish-

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:10)
Hunt & Fish.

Michelle A. Williams: (43:10)
... Hunt & Fish Club, love the food. I-

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:13)
Oh, great. I had no idea, I would have... Well, next time, I'll... We can't open until Broadway opens, unfortunately, but we'll be back.

Michelle A. Williams: (43:22)
I know. I know. But it was one of my most memorable dinners. It was mom taking her son out to a fancy dinner, and we had a great time. I wanted to-

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:28)
Okay, well, good.

Michelle A. Williams: (43:28)
... thank you for that.

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:31)
All right, well, thank you so much for doing that, and of course, there's no shortage of desserts at the Hunt & Fish Club. But in any event, you were terrific Dean. I hope we can get you back, after the election and talk about the future of public health and awareness for people in the United States. Thank you so much... for people around the world, for that matter.

Michelle A. Williams: (43:48)
Thank you Anthony, appreciate the opportunity [crosstalk 00:43:50]-

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:50)
All the best. I hope I can get up there and see you at some point, if they let me back on campus. We'll have to see if they'll let me back on.

Michelle A. Williams: (43:56)
Well, you've got to come over to the School of Public Health campus, you're welcome anytime.

Anthony Scaramucci: (44:01)
Okay, all right, because I think they put an electric fence around Harvard Law School after I went to word for Trump. I don't if I'd get electrocuted on the way in, but I'll come over to Public Health School anytime.

Michelle A. Williams: (44:12)
All right.

Anthony Scaramucci: (44:13)
All right, be well.

Michelle A. Williams: (44:14)
Be well, thank you. Bye-bye, Anthony. Bye-bye, John.

John Darsie: (44:17)
Bye.

General H.R. McMaster: "Battlegrounds: The Fight to Defend the Free World" | SALT Talks #81

“I always wanted to lead soldiers, to be part of a unit that was committed to a mission bigger than themselves.”

H.R. McMaster is the Fouad and Michelle Ajami Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution and Stanford University. A native of Philadelphia, H.R. graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1984. He served as an Army officer for thirty-four years and retired as a Lieutenant General in 2018. He remained on active duty while serving as the 26th Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.

After serving many years in Afghanistan and Iraq, General McMaster was on the receiving end of policies and strategies disconnected from the reality on the ground. The tendency to view strategy only through one’s own lens can be described as “strategic narcissism,” where we don’t consider the influence other players have on an outcome. This calls for a shift towards “strategic empathy.” “Empathy is really our ability to consider, in particular, the ideology, the emotions, and the aspirations that drive and constrain the other.”

In attempting to tackle major national security issues, we are running into the warnings offered by President George Washington: rival political parties. It important to keep politics out of the military and that notion has become only more important as we’ve seen military deployed to cities and discussions around peaceful transitions of power.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

General H.R. McMaster.jpg

General H.R. McMaster

Fouad & Michelle Ajami Senior Fellow

Hoover Institution at Stanford University

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello everyone. And welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the Managing Director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. SALT Talks are a digital interview series that we launched during the work from home period with leading investors, creators, and thinkers. And what we're really trying to do during SALT Talks is replicate the experience that we provided our global SALT conference series, which we were looking forward to welcoming today's guests to that conference in May. Unfortunately it had to be canceled, but we have a consolation prize today having him on a great SALT Talks. We're very much looking forward to that.

John Darsie: (00:44)
But really our goal here is to provide a window into the minds of subject matter experts, as well as to provide a platform for what we think are big ideas that are shaping the future. And we're very excited today to welcome General H.R McMaster to SALT Talks. General McMaster is the Fouad and Michelle Ajami Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University. He's a native of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1984. He served as an army officer for 34 years and retired as a Lieutenant General in 2018.

John Darsie: (01:18)
He remained on active duty while serving as the 26th assistant to the president for national security affairs within the Trump administration. He also taught history at West Point and holds a PhD in history from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, which is where I grew up, [inaudible 00:01:34] Hills. He's also the author of his most recent book, Battlegrounds, which is a groundbreaking assessment of America's place in the world, drawing from his long engagement with all the issues that he talks about in the book. Including 34 years of service in the US army with multiple tours of duty and battlegrounds overseas and his 13 months as national security advisor in the Trump, white house.

John Darsie: (01:57)
A reminder, if you have any questions for General McMaster during today's SALT Talk, you can enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen. And hosting today's talk is SkyBridge founder and managing partner, Anthony Scaramucci, who also served briefly in the Trump administration along with General McMaster. A funny story about that before we get started. Gentlemen, McMaster is a very nice guy. And so when Anthony came and joined the Trump administration, he said, "Anthony, I want to throw you a welcome party." 11 days later, that welcome party still hadn't taken place. So General McMaster asked Anthony, said, "What are we going to do about the party, Anthony. Maybe we'll just turn it into a farewell party."

John Darsie: (02:32)
And that's what they did. So general McMaster and his wife were very gracious and welcoming and saying, thank you to Anthony for his brief tenure in the white house. But with that, I'll turn it over to Anthony for the interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:45)
[inaudible 00:02:45]. Is that like a fun way to start the interview? Is this guy unbelievable? He's getting his two week notice, okay. Today at 4:00 PM. Is that nice? But in all seriousness, that was one of the more fun moments of my short lived career, eating those hamburgers in your backyard, where I think we were at Fort McNair. Isn't that correct sir?

John Darsie: (03:05)
Yes. Absolutely.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:08)
That was a lot of fun for me. That's about it. That's a lesson for all the young people out there. You got to turn lemons into lemonade. Where you could get fired from the white house after 11 days, you better have a friend in General McMaster, they're going to serve you beer when you need the beer. Okay. So let's go right to the top of your life, because I think this is a super important part of your story. Then I obviously want to delve into our nation's national security and some of your thoughts and opinions on our country or our amazing country. But you went to the United States Military Academy at West Point. Why did you do that? What gave you that inclination?

General H.R. McMaster: (03:44)
Well, I'll tell you Anthony, ever since my earliest memory, I wanted to serve in the army. And it was a combination of, I think both my mom and my dad. My mom was a teacher and an educator and I became a voracious reader of history, from a really young age or reading the juvenile books on biographies and so forth. And then my father, he fought in the Korean war. He enlisted at age 17 to fight in Korea. And then he stayed in the reserves. And so I would see him in his uniform going into the Germantown neighborhood in Philadelphia, where the army reserve infantry unit was where he was first Sergeant. And then later a company commander if we got a direct mission.

General H.R. McMaster: (04:24)
So I always wanted to lead soldiers on be part of a unit that was committed to a mission bigger than themselves. We can build teams. I grew up playing sports. I think that fostering the teamwork and the cohesion within a military unit. And then to be able to operate together in tough conditions, but overcome challenges for a righteous cause. You can't beat that. And so I really was grateful for the opportunity to go to West Point and obviously to serve in the army for 34 years.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:59)
Let me hold up the book, you know I'm not one for self promotion or for other people's promotion. You know I'm a very low key and somewhat shy guy, but let me hold up the book. And there is the book. You look like one mean tough son of a bitch on the book. But Katie and I, and your daughters know that you're like a little Teddy bear, but there you are on the book looking great. Why did you write the book? You also had another best-selling book called the Dereliction of Duty. I will tell you, I read this book about three weeks ago, H.R. And it is a brilliant expos on what is going on in the world.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:34)
I would particularly emphasize in your book, the stuff you're writing about [inaudible 00:05:39] and the government of Russia and really what their plans are. I think it's a necessary reading for all concerned citizens of the United States and frankly, citizens of the world. But why did you write the books so?

General H.R. McMaster: (05:51)
Well thanks, Anthony. In places like Afghanistan and Iraq, where I served for many years, I on the receiving end of these policies and strategies developed in Washington that made no sense on the ground in these places. And so, what I wanted to do is write a book that could contribute to an improvement in our strategic competence, our ability to implement a sustained and sensible foreign policy to build a better future for generations to come. And what I'm arguing in the book, one of the themes in the book, Anthony, is this idea of strategic narcissism.

General H.R. McMaster: (06:24)
That we tend to define the world only relation to us and assume that what we do is going to be decisive to achieving a favorable outcome. Or what we decide not to do. And what we don't do is, we don't consider the agency, the influence, the authorship over the future that the other has. Especially our rivals, our enemies and our adversaries. And so, it's an argument for us to compete more effectively to improve our strategic competence, but in so doing as well, Anthony, restore our confidence. Confidence in who we are as a people. This is one of our big vulnerabilities these days, I think is how divided we are and how vitriolic this partisan discourse is. Especially in this election year, but it's this way for years.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:09)
Well, I want to get to that in a second, but I want to stay on strategic narcissism. There's another term you're using in the book called strategic empathy, which I think is the opposite of that. So can you define both of those terms for our viewers and listeners?

General H.R. McMaster: (07:24)
Sure. So strategic narcissism as I mentioned, the foster world only in relation to us and therefore what we don't do is we don't really consider that the other has to say in the future course of events. It's a profoundly arrogant approach to the world. Empathy is really our ability to consider in particular, the ideology, the emotions, the aspirations that drive and constraint the other. And if we don't have this quality of strategic empathy, a term I borrowed from my friend and a great historian, exactly sure is, we misunderstand the challenges that we're facing.

General H.R. McMaster: (08:00)
We create opportunities for our adversaries and we develop policies and strategies that are actually counterproductive and based on wrong assumptions. So for example, I'll just go quickly through these. China is based on the assumption that China is going to liberalize. They're going to play by the rules, and they're going to liberalize their form of governance as well. Well, that assumption turned out to be false. That Vladimir Putin across three administrations, Anthony, that he's going to change. He's going to be like the Grinch and Christmas. His heart's going to grow two sizes bigger. He's just going to treat Europe and the United States and the West broadly in a fundamentally different way if we just reach out to him.

General H.R. McMaster: (08:38)
Iran, if we just conciliate the Iranian regime and welcome them in to the international community, they'll stop their four decade long proxy war against the great Satan, us, the little Satan Israel, and the [inaudible 00:08:51] I can go on. If there's a organizations in the book, it's to try to understand how the past produced the present as the best way to project into the future, to examine the assumptions on which our policies and strategies have been based, scrutinize them, test them, and then come up with a more full understanding of the challenges we're facing and make some recommendations.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:19)
Okay. I think it's a brilliant assessment of what's going on. You're also offering some great recommendations in the book. You state early on in the book and throughout the book that you feel that even though you may have some policy disagreements with the current administration, or you may have disagreements with the president himself, you see yourself in the tradition of George Catlett Marshall, who was the chief of staff of the army, went on to become the Secretary of State for Harry Truman. Arguably one of the most novelist Americans. I think the two of us would agree on that.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:53)
And he had this theory of staying out of the political fray, which was consistent with what George Washington said long ago. And so I was just wondering if you could talk a little bit about that, because I know when your interviews, you push aside some of the more polemic, old discussion, the political elements of that tell us why.

General H.R. McMaster: (10:11)
Well, you and I have talked about this execution. First I get your advice on this as well. I really think that our military has to stay out of politics. And as a serving officer and serving officer as national security advisor, I did my duty as best as I could for the fifth commander in chief under whom I served, since I entered West Point. And, if you go back to our founders, George Washington grandparents led at the English civil war. And George Washington had in his foremost in his mind keep that bold line between the military and domestic politics. The founders also really worried about factions political parties today. And how advocacy for a faction rather than a focus on our common identity or common interest as Americans could drive us apart from one another.

General H.R. McMaster: (11:01)
And again, in their minds, they're thinking of Oliver Cromwell, English civil war. Let's not do that. And so, as a historian, I'm very sensitive to that. And it's pretty sensitive to any indication that even in retirement, that I would get involved in partisan politics. I think it's important to keep a bold line in place. And also, Anthony, I think that what Americans did need at this stage. It's like a [inaudible 00:11:27] tell all book about the Trump administration. The problems as you know, and the challenges we're facing, they're bigger than any one person. They're bigger than even the president.

General H.R. McMaster: (11:36)
And of course we don't live in a monarchy. It's what I'm hopping, is that people will read the book, think about it. Have respectful discussions about the challenges we're facing. And I hope maybe expect more from our government officials broadly, in connection sound and a much more effective foreign policy.

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:57)
Listen, we agree intellectually on that, but we also have talked about another great general, General Cincinnatus. And so, for those on the call that don't remember General Cincinnatus, he was a great Roman general during the time of the Republic. And he was up on his form and he was asked to come down to Rome to put down the insurrection. And when he met with his fellow centurions, the insurrection abated, and the Roman senators wanted to make him a dictator. And he said, "No, I've been called to serve, and I'm here to serve. I'm not here to rule. I'm going back to my form."

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:31)
And obviously George Washington asserted that many times, our city, our great city, Cincinnati is named after him. And so you have some of your colleagues, Admiral McRaven, General Mattis, General Kelly, the great irony there, H.R as you know, he fired me pretty swiftly. But him and I have become personal friends, just goes to show you never hold his grudge. But all three of them have spoken out in different ways about president Trump. I'm going to ask you this question.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:02)
It's June 1st, the president's clearing Lafayette Square, is using the military to do that. And then he's there with a photo op, obviously General Millie didn't like that. He had to speak out about it. Secretary Espert didn't like that. And General Mattis wrote about it in the Atlantic Magazine saying that this was a misuse of the military, and he felt that the president was a threat to the constitution. I asked John Kelly on SALT Talk like this if he agreed with General Mattis. Do you agree with General Mattis, General McMaster?

General H.R. McMaster: (13:33)
I have made the choice, Anthony, not to criticize the president, vice president Biden, anybody personally. What I do have no problem doing is criticizing decisions and policies of President Trump, or really anybody. Because I think we have to have these open discussions as Americans. In the book I'm very critical of a lot of the Trump administration's foreign policy. I'm very positive about certain aspects of it like China, for example. Lafayette Square it was a mistake, there's no doubt about it. It's regrettable. It was a bad decision. It was unhelpful in what should be an effort to bring us all together as Americans.

General H.R. McMaster: (14:14)
But you know what's happening, Anthony, is like this, okay, that's bad. And then the reaction to it can be just as bad. The suggestion, for example, that the joint chiefs of staff will have a role in a presidential transition that was made by the vice president Biden and others. That's irresponsible as well. With the great thing about our constitution is the executive branch has no say in the transition and our founders were brilliant, I think, in connection with anticipating what could go wrong.

General H.R. McMaster: (14:44)
One of the things that could go wrong as to the military and getting involved in politics, that would be terrible. And other things that would be terrible would be the military getting involved in transition or the executive, the sending president having a say. Who has the say? The American people have a say. And then also the Congress and the judiciary. The executive branch plays no role.

Anthony Scaramucci: (15:06)
The country's 244 years old, we've had 200 years of presidential transition of power. We'll take it back to 1800. We've always had a peaceful transition of power is a remarkable thing about the American experiment, where the losers in the election are willing to be ruled by or served by the winners in the election. The president has said that it's not 100% sanctified in his mind that he would accept the peaceful transfer of power. He's quite dismissive about it when he's asked about it. How do you feel about that? Do you have an opinion about, sir?

General H.R. McMaster: (15:44)
Well, yeah. It's just wrong, Anthony. What I write about in the book is how we were talking about Russia. But it's other actors, but mainly Russians in the lead on this. What they want to do is diminish our confidence. Our confidence in who we are as a people, our common identity. They want to diminish our confidence in our democratic principles and our institutions and processes. And so, for leaders to say, "Hey, well, the election might not be fair. It might be rigged or something." That's like playing right into their heads. It's being our own worst enemy.

General H.R. McMaster: (16:17)
And really, in 2016, and I think in this year in 2020, I don't think [inaudible 00:16:22] people care [inaudible 00:16:22]. I don't think he cared in 2016. In fact, in 2016, the Russians I think, were surprised as anybody that Donald Trump won. They had a whole campaign ready to go that said, "Hey, Hillary Clinton won because the election was rigged." And then they shifted it quite quickly because they started that campaign. And they realized, well Trump won. So they shifted it to that President Trump would have won the popular vote if it wasn't rigged.

General H.R. McMaster: (16:45)
And so what they're trying to do is sow doubts. Sow doubts about our democracy and no leader should give them space to do that. I think that it's just unwise, described Putin's campaign of disruption, disapprobation and denial. And you actually to combat it, you have to start in the opposite order. You have to get rid of his ability to deny it by pulling the curtain back when that activity, showing it's more fellow Americans, and that's the first step in inoculating ourselves against this really sophisticated campaign of political subversion.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:20)
I think we're in agreement, we have internal and we have external threats. And so if you had to tick off some of the major national security threats for the United States, what would they be?

General H.R. McMaster: (17:32)
I think you got if we try at the top, Anthony. Ad the reason is, trying to tremendous resources and they are extremely well organized and determined to promote their authoritarian work into this model in a way that will make the world less free, less prosperous and less safe. And the party is driven by emotion and fear. Fear of losing their exclusive grip on power, fear of chaos. But also aspiration aspiration to, in Xi Jinping's words take center stage in the world. The way they're doing that is with a very sophisticated strategy.

General H.R. McMaster: (18:09)
And again, I use alliteration again of co-option, coercion and concealment. And their strategies aim to create short bile relationships, for example, across the world, and especially in the Indo-Pacific region in a way that will exclude the United States and others. I think what's really important for Americans to understand now is that, this isn't just a US, China problem. I think there's this tendency to personalize everything else around President Trump. Xi Jinping is not acting this way because Donald Trump is so mean.

General H.R. McMaster: (18:44)
Actually I think the Trump administration put into place at a very important and overdue shifted in our foreign policy towards China, the one of competition and recognizing China as a rival. And I think it's very important that wherever sworn in on January 20th, carry on that competitive approach.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:04)
Well, at the same time, we can quibble about the style. But I do give the credit. I'm not going to demonize the president, whatever my disagreements are with him. I do give them credit for having good instincts as it relates to certain things related to China. But the president is also preaching something related to isolationism. And, we've been combating this for several hundred years. Obviously FDR had to combat it and 38, 39 and 40, he was vexed in terms of what to do. But he knew that America needed to get involved in the next global conflict. It's almost a prevention mechanism.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:41)
General Mattis has said this to president Trump. I know you have said this to president Trump, that our position around the world is almost like a life insurance premium to prevent a catastrophe or a casualty insurance premium. This way we're there it'll prevent something from further getting heated. Do you think the president is right about his isolationist stance at this point in world history? Or where would you like to see our foreign policy?

General H.R. McMaster: (20:08)
Well, I think that this idea that our disengagement from complex challenges, oversees challenges that have big implications for security. It's a big mistake. And the areas in the book that I'm most critical of the Trump administration's policy and president Trump are areas in which he has replicated. And in some ways exceeded the flaws of the Obama administration, of course, to some of these problems sets. Afghanistan's bar breaking to me, Anthony. I think that it's not only regrettable and that will pay a price for it, but it's really reprehensible.

General H.R. McMaster: (20:39)
That we would partner really with the Taliban against the Afghan government. You'll partner with like this 5% of the people who've supported the Taliban against like the 95% of Afghans who want nothing to do with this brutal burgers organization. Because they lived off of the health of the Taliban from 1996 to 2001, they know what it's going to be like. So Americans might simply, again, we've been there almost 20 years. Like what are we doing? But as I lay out, it has not been a 20 year war. It's been one year war, 20 times over. It's been a war in which I think if we had deliberately set out to screw it up, we couldn't have done worse.

General H.R. McMaster: (21:19)
And I think that there is a way to partner with Afghans as part of a multinational effort and sustain very, very important counter-terrorist efforts there for a relatively low cost. But it is this drive to disengage that is a danger. I see the same kind of dynamic in the Middle East as well. And I'm not arguing, I don't think we should have like hundreds of thousands of troops there. This shouldn't be expensive, engagements, but it's really that sustained effort that enables our diplomatic efforts.

General H.R. McMaster: (21:52)
And it keeps us secure. If we learn anything from COVID, it ought to be problems that develop overseas. Once they reach our shores can only be dealt with at an exorbitant cost. Better to contain and deal with it abroad, than to let it recharge our shores.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:12)
Listen, we agree. You say something in the book. I was just wondering if you could encapsulate it for our listeners and viewers about isolationism and about the potential crisis that could unfold as a result of a disengaged America around the world. I was wondering if you could encapsulate that force. I think it's a brilliant assessment of Afghanistan, and we'll also point out to people that please read the book because you go around the world literally.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:39)
And it is a playbook and manual for exactly what's going on in the world and what America needs to do to respond to it. But let's stick on the isolationism for a second because lots of Americans are confused by this General McMaster. And I'd like them to hear it from you, why there's so much danger in isolation?

General H.R. McMaster: (22:58)
Well, first of all, it has been our Alliance system. It has been our Alliance together, military power that has prevented great power conflict for over 75 years now. And it's really hard as need to prove a negative. But I think it's a really good thing that we haven't had great power conflict for 75 years. And so, our Alliance system and Forward positioned US forces, not even a lot, but a significant number that integrate with our allies and partners. That's what gives you deterrence by denial. What that means is, you're convincing a potential enemy. In this case, you could say China and Russia powers on division lambast that they can't accomplish their objectives in the use of force.

General H.R. McMaster: (23:42)
And that's a good thing to prevent conflict obviously that would be devastated. In connection with jihadist terrorism, for example, that probably isn't going away, Anthony. It's going to be with us for multiple generations. What I read about is it was held this ISIS and Al-Qaeda alumni they're orders of magnitude larger than the Mujahideen alumni of the resistance to Soviet occupation to Afghanistan. And it was that Mujahideen alumni who committed mass murder in your home city, Anthony in New York on September 11th, 2001. And in Washington and over a field in Pennsylvania.

General H.R. McMaster: (24:19)
This is not a theoretical case. And we know that many other attacks in Europe were as a result of ISIS gaining strength when it controlled a landmass, the size of Britain. And so, the rise of ISIS didn't just happen. It happened because vice-president Biden called President Obama in 2011 from Iraq and said, "Thank you for allowing me to end this war." And of course, wars don't end when one side disengages. And we disengaged in a large measure diplomatically as well. What that resulted in is a return of war scale security and violence in Iraq, and set the conditions for ISIS to come back.

General H.R. McMaster: (24:59)
And so, just when you think the situation in Middle East can't get worse, it actually can. And it's our sustained engagement there that can create opportunities. Opportunities, I think such as those that you see now with giving the [inaudible 00:25:12]. Opportunities to isolate Iran, who is pouring fuel on this destructive sectarian civil war and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis associated with it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:26)
Listen, I was in Iraq in Baghdad in January of 2011. Our spring, as you remember, was bubbling up. General Austin, you remember General Lloyd Austin, he is one tall SOP. I felt like I needed still to talk to the guy, but.

General H.R. McMaster: (25:43)
Most of those big guys, it was Austin and Odierno [crosstalk 00:25:46].

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:47)
Ray is the tallest Italian I've ever met in my life, actually. I'm convinced that he's probably not Italian, but that's a whole other topic, but.

General H.R. McMaster: (26:00)
Also the both sport is a very handsome hairstyle out, I've noticed that.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:04)
I remember that too. Of course, you have a very handsome hairstyle yourself H.R. We'll talk about that later. We'll talk about what we could do to help you there. But, I'm in Baghdad, it's January, 2011, General Austin, we ask him a question. Part of a Benz movement, the businesses, the extra national security. I say, "What should the troop level be?" He says 20,000. The Obama administration takes it down to zero. He says, "God forbid you can't do that because it'll lead to the rise of Daesh," also known as ISIS. So it plays right into what you're saying in the book. And it confirms that we need to de-politicize some of this stuff.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:41)
But again, the American people, they need to be educated about this. And once they are, I think there'll be reaching a consensus decision closer to where you are. Let's talk about the president again for a second, because I was only there for 11 days, but we did have some fun together, you and I. Our interactions and with president Trump. How would you describe to the average person, your interactions with the president in discussing national security? Did he have a worldview? Was he being educated by your worldview? Was there a level of dogmatism or was there a level of flexibility? How would you describe those interactions?

General H.R. McMaster: (27:19)
Well Anthony, as you know, he's just reflexively contrarians, this is part of the style, and of course as a national security advisor, it's a unique position. It's a position of privilege and confidence because-

Anthony Scaramucci: (27:32)
Okay. But I'm going to stop you there. Because that was like some serious military language there with the reflectivity contrarian. So let me stop you because basically what you're saying is you'd tell him something and he'd want to do the exact opposite, which is "reflexively contrarian". And so, I just try to figure out what is that all about with the president, but go ahead. Reflexively contrarian.

General H.R. McMaster: (27:53)
He questions conventional wisdom. If you come in with the shiny course of action, and you say, "Hey, everybody agrees. This is the perfect thing for you to do. This is what you should do." That's not going to work. What I realized is, I could come up with the perfect process, the perfect course of action. We could do it. It would not be personally, but I could facilitate that from across the departments and agencies. But what we've needed to do, I felt, and I think this is true for any president, actually, Anthony, because I owed him multiple options.

General H.R. McMaster: (28:23)
I needed to give him a say in determining his foreign policy agenda and putting into place these policies and strategies. Anthony, I was only there for 13 months obviously, I can only speak to those months I was there. I think it worked in those 13 months, that approach of giving multiple options. Because what that allows you to do is to use, what are our goals? What are our objectives? As a way to evaluate those courses of action, you can assess them based on the degree to which they advance your interests, the degree of costs, the degree of risk and so forth.

General H.R. McMaster: (28:57)
And I think that produce good results in connection with the national security strategy. But also, as I mentioned, big shifts in foreign policy on Iran, in China and go on, in Venezuela, in Cuba. But that process works. I don't know what happened if our left. I'm not in a position to judge it. But I think one of my lessons from writing about the Vietnam period was that it was a disservice to Lyndon Johnson to tell Lyndon Johnson what Lyndon Johnson wanted to hear.

General H.R. McMaster: (29:29)
And I was determined, that I would not do that because it would be a disturbed to the president and the country. And, I think that's one of the aspects of how I approach my job that may have limited my shelf life, which I was at peace with. When I took the job, Anthony, I decided I was going to retire out of that job. It was in many ways a bonus round for me in 2017. I was thinking about retiring from active duty in 2017. So I would've had to start with you to continue serving, to continue serving the new president as national security advisor. I decided that moment when I'm done, I'm done and it's time for me to retire from our army as well.

Anthony Scaramucci: (30:09)
Well, it was also a bonus round for me, General. It was a little shorter bonus round. I'd have to calculate the number of MOOC's 13 months actually is. I have two last questions. I'm going to turn it over to John Darsie for questions from our audience. But, you write about in the book, these stationary islands that are being manufactured in the South China sea and parts of the far Eastern Pacific by the Chinese government. It's an encroachment on international waters. It could even be an encroachment on Japanese territory and other sovereigns in Asia. How serious should we be taking that threat? And what do you think that means for the US in terms of its national security?

General H.R. McMaster: (30:53)
Yes. Anthony, we should take it very seriously because I believe Xi Jinping thinks he's winning right now. He looks at us, he looks at the divisions in our society, sparked in large measure by the murder of George Floyd. He looks at our vitriolic partisan environment that we're in. The crises of a pandemic and the recession associated with it. And he always, he's a dictator. He's probably in an echo chamber saying, "Hey, you're on top. You're doing well." And he already believes that he had only a fleeting window of opportunity to realize the China dream, to take center stage.

General H.R. McMaster: (31:24)
And what you're seeing is aggression in the South China sea, as you mentioned, where he's destroyed complete ecosystems, by the way, to build these islands and militarize them. And if he succeeds, it will be the largest land grab, so to speak in history. But what he's also doing, he's also passing a national security law, there's regression progression of human freedom in Hong Kong. He is engaged in a campaign of cultural genocide in Shinchan. We are birth rates are down 60%. It's important. What's happening as over a million people are now cramped into concentration camps and he last week, Xi Jinping says, "Hey, I'm building some additions on to those concentration camps. I'm going to put more people in there for reeducation." But then you look at COVID-19, both war diplomacy, bludgeoning Indian soldiers to death on the Himalayan frontier.

General H.R. McMaster: (32:12)
The threats toward Taiwan, the threats towards Japan. It is a flashpoint. I think Taiwan is a flashpoint in the South China sea. And what I think all this shows you not to mention massive cyber attacks against us and against medical research facilities in the middle of the pandemic. This shows you, Hey, this isn't a US-China problem. This is a real-world China problem. And it's time for us to really focus on this threat and do our best to deter further aggression and convince the Chinese communist party leadership, Hey, you need to change your behavior or we're going to have to impose unacceptable costs on you economically in particular.

Anthony Scaramucci: (32:48)
I think it's a dour, but realistic assessment of what's going on. You write a lot about it in the book. I courage everybody to read the book. My last question, and I'm going to turn it over. You've got a great reading list. There are philosophers, scholars, military men, academics, there may even be a few hedge fund managers on your reading list. Tell me, who's influenced you the most in your career and your thought process?

General H.R. McMaster: (33:15)
Yes. A lot of people across my career. When I was with my mom, first of all, in terms of she instilled in me a sense of history. I think, the intellectual curiosity that I carried with me across my life. I rated that this book is to continuation of my self education in many ways. It's my Italian mom, Anthony by the way. And then, football coach/[crosstalk 00:33:42].

Anthony Scaramucci: (33:42)
That's one of the parts I like about you, H.R. I just want to point that out.

General H.R. McMaster: (33:48)
My football coach and it was also my history teacher in high school. My sponsors at West Point, both of whom were in the history department. One was also one of my rugby coaches at West Point and also a historian of US diplomatic history. They all inspired me. Casey Broward, who was the head of the history department at West Point. He helped me pick my topic on Vietnam. I had great professors, great professors at UNC Chapel Hill. Dick Cone as well, who's a wonderful man, was my advisor. The late Don Higginbotham, what a great guy. And you would love this guy. Great sense of humor and was a great historian. After I finished my exams, he said, "Congratulations, you now know more history than you will ever know."

General H.R. McMaster: (34:34)
And then of course many officers, influenced me in a profound way. My first battalion commander, Billy Jamie Gallon, who was, I think maybe bigger than Odierno. [inaudible 00:34:45] these guys was this huge, an amazing guy. African-American officer, which to be an armor battalion commander in the early '80s. Imagine with the changes we saw in our army, through the Vietnam period, post Vietnam period, a real charismatic leader. And I met so many leaders who exhibited strong qualities that I try to take from them.

General H.R. McMaster: (35:08)
And then of course you see some negative examples too. I would say that, across my career, John Atrazine is our ambassador and [inaudible 00:35:17] Raby now, that guy was great to me. Dave Patraeus, I think has always been tremendous. Martin Demson. We mentioned, Odierno Austin. The armies are family and I just think, young people, if you're listening to this, you joining our military is tremendously rewarding. I think because we have a smaller professional force, not as many Americans are familiar with the less tangible rewards of service. Being part of a team in which the man or woman next to you is willing to give everything, including their own lives for you.

General H.R. McMaster: (35:50)
And to be part of something that's bigger than yourself. And so, I admire these leaders who I mentioned, but I admired my soldiers. The younger generation gets hammered all the time. They're self-absorbed, they don't have attention spans, they don't understand the history. They're not patriotic. I'll tell you, if you want to see the best of our country, just meet some of our service men and women. They're extraordinary people. And they like what they're doing. They're bound together by an ethos. An ethos of self sacrifice and honor, and a sense of duty to one another and to our country.

General H.R. McMaster: (36:34)
And so, we we began talking earlier about the dangers of associating the military with political parties. We should never do that. And we should never associate the military with any sub identity in our country. When you're in combat and you've got bullets coming your way, you're not checking skin color, you're not checking religion or sexual orientation of the men or woman next to you. You're fighting together. And I think it's just a lesson we can learn these days, as divided as it seems we've become.

Anthony Scaramucci: (37:07)
Listen, I think it's a real lesson about the American military. I also think it's a lesson why the military is still considered one of the more trusted and more sacred institutions in our country. So I admire and appreciate all that General. I'm going to turn it over to John. We've got five or six minutes left to go in our SALT Talk, and he wants to pepper you with some questions.

General H.R. McMaster: (37:27)
All right.

John Darsie: (37:28)
In light of a general McMaster's comments about, how in the military there's a sense of cohesion that maybe doesn't exist in society and politics today. There's an organization called With Honor general that I don't know if you've ever been involved with. But, Rye Barcott who founded it as a friend of ours. Basically hos goals [crosstalk 00:37:45].

General H.R. McMaster: (37:45)
I know Rye, it's a great organization. Absolutely.

John Darsie: (37:47)
Yeah. Bringing more military men and women into the political realm, because when you get people who served beside each other in the battlefield, serving next to each other in the legislative branch of the government, you find a more collective purpose than you would otherwise, were today they're at each other's throat. So we always like to plug with honor, go donate. They support house races with veterans running in local districts. So we encourage everybody to see [crosstalk 00:38:12].

General H.R. McMaster: (38:12)
You have to propose by parts and legislation as part of the covenant you sign. Rye has done a great job of it. Thanks for bringing it up, John.

John Darsie: (38:21)
Yeah. Absolutely. So we talked earlier about how there's external threats and then there's internal threats. And what Russia has really done is tried to sow internal threats in our society, and they've frankly been pretty successful at it. The FBI recently foiled a plot from white supremacist militia groups to kidnap the governor of Michigan. They reportedly also were planning to kidnap the governor of Virginia, potentially there were talking about plans to do so. How do we fix that problem? Let's say Trump's gone, whether it's in four years, or it's in four months or whatever it may be until inauguration. How do we fix that problem and how do we fight back against Russian or another country's disinformation aim to sow internal division?

General H.R. McMaster: (39:07)
Well, I think the first thing we have to recognize is, we have to take this very seriously, this polarization in our society on all extremes. And what I think it's important to recognize is the Russians don't create these divisions. We create the divisions and they exploited those divisions. Russia's efforts to divide us on issues of race. The Soviet union's go back to the 1920s, but Hey, now they have new tools available. They have social media that already by the algorithms that dominate social media drive us further and further apart from each other because the companies keep more and more advertising revenue, which is more and more clicks. Which is, Hey, let me show you even more extreme content to get you to click even more. And then we have the issues of polarization of our political leads and our media.

General H.R. McMaster: (39:57)
How did it become this way? Where if you need a one direction politically, you watch one cable news ditch. You lean the other direction, you watch another one. We just had a presidential town halls yesterday, two separate. That was some people aren't hearing both sides. They're not hearing a civil meaningful debate. And I think that even our mainstream media, they're destroying themselves over either support for it or hatred for Donald Trump or so. It's crazy what's happened. And so, we all have to come together as Americans and be part of the solution for this. And I think we have to be intolerant of extremist, like those that were plotting against the governor.

General H.R. McMaster: (40:41)
And we have to recognize though that, our work's not going to be done easily here. That kind of extreme view is based on ignorance I believe fundamentally. Ignorance of our history and who we are, ignorance of our democratic process and ignorance of your fellow Americans. These are people who hate because they don't even know the people who are the object of their hatred. I just think we have to we have to do everything we can in our communities and universities, in schools, and in athletic organizations. Let's get people together. Let's emphasize a common identity.

General H.R. McMaster: (41:23)
I think history plays a big role in this, John. I do think that in many ways, our young people have been subjected to what I would say, and this might sound extreme to some people, but essentially a curriculum of self-loathing. That really portrays America as the problem in the world. And this is associated with the new left interpretation of history. I think we should be able to come together around, you'll not a contrived happy view of history, but a recognition of the nobility of this radical idea of our revolution, that sovereignty buys neither with kangaroo parliament, but with the people.

General H.R. McMaster: (42:00)
We could also be disappointed though, that our bill of rights and the elbow rights in our inner declaration of independence did not apply to all Americans. And it was only until our most destructive war, the 4 million people were emancipated from slavery. We can celebrate that, but also be disappointed at the failure of reconstruction. The rise of Jim Crow and the KU Klux Klan, but then also celebrate the civil rights movement and the dismantlement of the Jorah segregation and inequality of opportunity. But still recognize, Hey it's a work in progress as our founders knew it would be.

General H.R. McMaster: (42:34)
That our democracy had to be constantly nurtured. So I just think in Battlegrounds, I quote Richard Wharton, a philosopher, he said that, "National pride is to nations. What self-respect is to individuals and necessary ingredient for self improvement." And I think in many ways we have to make a concerted effort to come together as Americans and restore pride in who we are.

John Darsie: (43:04)
Well, general, we're going to leave it there. Thank you so much for taking the time to talk to us again, this is another interview we feel like could have gone on for another three hours. And we apologize to everybody who asked questions that we weren't necessarily able to get to. But you offered such a sweeping a great analysis of everything going on domestically and in terms of our foreign policy. We're very grateful for your time. Anthony, do you have a final word for General McMaster. And thank you so much for being nice to Anthony and giving him that nice farewell party when he didn't last longer than a carton of milk in the White House.

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:32)
The guy's getting fired General. I just want to make sure you just say hello to him. Maybe you'll see him out of the Hoover Institute. I just want to know if you're going to use the same picture when the children's version of the book comes out? Just a little intimidating there General. Okay. You may want to tone it down for the kids. Okay.

General H.R. McMaster: (43:50)
I'll work on my softer side [crosstalk 00:43:52].

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:54)
All right. But in all seriousness, our thank you so much. We got to get you to one of our live events, hopefully soon once the pandemic ends. My regards to the family, General. And we'll see you after the election, I hope.

General H.R. McMaster: (44:06)
Thanks so much. And thanks for this great forum too. Thanks. Take care.

Anthony Scaramucci: (44:10)
Great to have you on, sir.

Michael Schmidt: Can the Government Be Repaired Following a Trump Presidency? | SALT Talks #78

“If you behave the way that the president did at a company or at a school, you would be ostracized, pushed off to the side.”

Michael S. Schmidt is a Washington correspondent for the New York Times, covering national security and federal investigations. He was part of two teams that won Pulitzer Prizes in 2018 — one for reporting on workplace sexual harassment issues and the other for coverage of President Donald Trump and his campaign’s ties to Russia.

What do you do when the most chaotic and out-of-control person at a company is the singular leader? This was the problem White House workers faced with Donald Trump as president. It was not possible to go higher up the chain of command in an attempt to moderate extreme behavior. “John Kelly could try and sort of box him in; the people around the president could tell him that he certainly couldn't do things. But at the end of the day, he was the president.”

It remains an open question as to whether the government institutions can be repaired following a Trump presidency. Perhaps his most lasting legacy will be his role in remaking the courts with young, conservative judges.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Michael Schmidt.jpeg

Michael Schmidt

Correspondent

The New York Times

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello everyone and welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the managing director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. SALT Talks or digital interview series that we started during the pandemic. And like many things that started during the pandemic will have a life, well after the pandemic, we've had a lot of fun with these. We started in about late may and we've had a lot of great speakers another one coming up today.

John Darsie: (00:33)
But what they are, are interviews with the world's foremost investors, creators and thinkers. And what we're really trying to do during the SALT Talk Series is replicate the experience that we provided our Global SALT Conference Series, that we have annually in Las Vegas. And we've also had several international conferences as well, for those of you who have attended. And that's to really provide our audience a window into the mind of subject matter experts, as well as to provide a platform for what we think are big ideas that are shaping the future.

John Darsie: (01:02)
And we're very excited today to welcome Michael Schmidt to SALT Talks. Michael is the Washington correspondent for the New York Times who covers national security and federal investigations. And his remit has grown a little bit in the last four years in terms of what he covers, given the volume of investigations that we've seen in this administration. And he was part of two teams that won the Pulitzer prize in 2018. One for reporting on workplace sexual harassment issues and the other for his coverage of president Donald Trump and his campaign's ties to Russia.

John Darsie: (01:34)
For the past year Michael's coverage has focused on the Mueller investigation into Mr. Trump's campaign and whether the president obstructed justice as part of, everything that went into that investigation. From 2012 to 2016, Michael covered the FBI, the Department of Homeland security and the Pentagon. He spent 2011 in Iraq chronicling the last year of the American occupation. From 2007 to 2010, he covered doping and off the field issues for the sports section of the Times.

John Darsie: (02:04)
And he started his career at the Times in 2005 as a clerk on the foreign desk. And has obviously earned a lot of trust internally there. Has taken on a lot of the big projects over the years at the Times. He's broken several high profile stories over the years. The first was to reveal that secretary Hillary Clinton exclusively relied on her personal email account. And when she was Secretary of State. In sports, he broke the stories that Sammy Sosa, David Ortiz and Manny Ramirez had tested positive for performance enhancing drugs. And he wrote about the treatment of young baseball players in the Dominican Republic, who were exploited by American investors and agents.

John Darsie: (02:41)
In 2017, he co-authored the stories that outlined how the former Fox News host Bill O'Reilly paid off a series of women who made sexual harassment allegations against him. For that coverage, he won the Livingston Award for national reporting, which recognizes the best work of journalists under the age of 35.

John Darsie: (02:59)
Michael also has a recent book out, which we're going to talk a lot about today called Donald Trump versus the United States. And conducting today's interview is going to be Anthony Scaramucci, who is the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital, which is a global alternative investment firm. Anthony is also the chairman of SALT. And with that, I'll turn it over to Anthony for the interview.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (03:19)
Michael thank you and John thank you. And Michael, I got to hold up your book. See that. So not only am I self promotional Michael, but I'm also promoting of others, see that? If you want to others as you would like to do to yourself, look at this, right? So this book is amazing. I told Phil Rucker I'm sorry, this goes to the top of the stack on the Trump books and there's been a proliferation of them. But I thought you had a fascinating understanding of the personalities as well as the facts of what was going on. And so I would like to get right into it, if you don't mind. I'd like you to tell us about the work that you did on this book. In terms of the research, the interviews, obviously, certainly don't want you to give up your sources, but I want you to give us a little bit of a story of how you got a book like this, which to me reads like an internal transcript of the West Wing.

Michael Schmidt: (04:16)
So I think the biggest challenge that I had was telling a book that would be distinctive. We all had a sense that this was a chaotic time, really crazy shit went on unprecedented shit. The president was acting very irregularly unprecedented, but how do you tell a story that will stick? So what I tried to do was to concentrate on the human story of this. What is it like to be one of these people around the president trying to contain a president? What's that human experience like. We can sit here and we can go through the paces of all of the stuff that's gone on. You want to start with the Muslim ban and go through the tank meeting and all that stuff.

Michael Schmidt: (05:01)
But what does it really feel like when you're at the top of the government and there's no one else to call. There's no one else to help you. And it's just you standing up to a president. We know what it's like for a president to use power and for the people around them to help them do that. But I don't think we've seen as much in history, people trying to stop a president. What does that like? What does that chaos look like? What does it feel like to be one of those people? So that is what I tried to concentrate on and tried to tell that story.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (05:37)
Well, and obviously you did a great job of that. When I finished the book last night, my reaction was man, president Trump's next job could be replacing King George the third in the musical Hamilton. I mean, you said crazy shit, but he's batshit crazy. And so tell us about that. Tell us about people like John Kelly, Don McGahn, Reince Priebus, others that recognize, okay there's something seriously wrong here. So what are we going to do here to try to corral it, if it's even possible?

Michael Schmidt: (06:15)
The problem is that if you behave the way that the president did at a company or at a school or at wherever, you would be ostracized, pushed off to the side...

Anthoy Scaramucci: (06:26)
And John Darsie does behave like that at SkyBridge, but we're fairly tolerant, but most people would be fired immediately. But go ahead, Michael. I'm so sorry...

John Darsie: (06:34)
We all know who the crazy one is at SkyBridge is Michael [crosstalk 00:06:37].

Anthoy Scaramucci: (06:39)
Put yourself back on mute Darsie.

Michael Schmidt: (06:44)
So the thing is that, the fact that, this may sound a little simplistic, but the fact that the president was the president is what caused this problem. Because you couldn't just ostracize him. I mean, you could try, John Kelly could try and sort of box him in, the people around the president could tell him that he certainly couldn't do things. But at the end of the day, he was the president. And there was only so much that you could do to try and stop someone like that. So, we know what it's like to work at a company where someone may be, acting abnormally and needs to be sort of contained. But what happens when the person at the top is doing that? And what happens when the apparatus that is supposed to be there to serve as a check on the presidency when that's not functioning, what happens?

Michael Schmidt: (07:38)
What happens when that power is sort of loosely running around? And you have someone who is not more to norms. They're more to... It's unclear what they're more towards. So when you take those factors and you throw them together, what is that like? Because I don't think we've seen that a lot. So I said to myself, I said, in terms of how the power has unfolded here and how this is all structured, this is really unique. And I need to do more here than just capture sort of the paces of the story. They wanted to do tax cuts and they wanted to do it. We need to go bigger than that. We need to go inside the bodies of these people around the president to see what this experience was like.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (08:29)
If you... I mean, you make the case in the book, is I'm just curious in reaction. I mean, he's damaging the institutions of our democracy because he doesn't want to follow the norms or the procedures. And John Kennedy once said about the presidency, it's a great, great interview. Huntley and Brinkley interviewed him a year after he got the job. And he was like, well, I was in the house, I thought the action was in the Senate. And when I got the Senate, I thought the action was down the other side of Pennsylvania Avenue. And when I got to this office here, he was being interviewed in the oval office. He's like the action isn't anywhere. It's so diffused that we have to figure out a way to work together. But this book is really about Mr. Trump trying to or president Trump trying to assert himself in a way that is outside of that construct, outside of that power to diffusion. And so my question is, has he permanently damaged our institutions, our democratic process, our alliances? Is this something that's repairable in your view Michael?

Michael Schmidt: (09:30)
So I've thought an enormous amount about that. Because for a while I was convinced that, whenever this came to an end, the system would snap back into what it was. I'm less convinced of that today, but the real answer of what the Trump era meant and what impact it will have, will really be determined by what comes afterwards. Because if what comes after the president resembles more of this presidency, then it is truly a pivot point in American history. The presidency being used in a different type of way. But if it sort of goes back to what...

Anthoy Scaramucci: (10:13)
Define that way, if you don't mind. It's being used in a different type of way. So what way is it being used?

Michael Schmidt: (10:21)
I would say that the most sober way of describing it would just be that, in the post Watergate era, we started to live by a set of norms about how politics should be divorced from law enforcement and how the Office of the Presidency should be used sort of as the tip of the spear for the entire country. And I think that we've seen the Office of the Presidency and the levers of power used in a much more selfish way for the politician in this case, the president than we've seen before. And I think that we have seen politics become part of law enforcement in a way that we haven't seen before.

Michael Schmidt: (11:15)
Let me just point something out. The president said today that if his rivals are not prosecuted before the election it will be a great let down. It will be a essentially a great failure. Okay? I don't see that as a lead headline anywhere. Okay? The president's saying that about a criminal investigation is so pre-Trump era off the charts. Unusual that we've become... and this is the cliché. We become numb to this whatever. The president's saying that about a criminal investigation is just still so extraordinary. And we haven't moved on from it, but... [crosstalk 00:11:59].

Anthoy Scaramucci: (11:59)
Vice president last night is saying, well, we may not accept the electoral outcome of the peaceful transfer of power. I mean, it says same sort of thing. It's like, why are good men and women in the country accepting that Michael? Why isn't there more outrage?

Michael Schmidt: (12:19)
Let me tie that back to the book. The thing that Trump has done is his consistency in terms of feeding his base. And in terms of his loyalty to his base has created a tether between him and the base that has allowed, I think for behavior that the base would not normally tolerate to go on. And at the heart of that, I think is the judges. I think the fact that Trump has been so consistent on the judges and has remade the federal courts in the way that he has, not just with Conservative judges, but Conservative judges of a certain mold, of a very conservative mold of a certain age. And I think that the fact that the president has been so true to that, has created that tether, that umbilical courts. That has allowed for things like Mike Pence to say last night, not to fully commit to accepting the results of the election, to be at least accepted. By pick your number 30, 40 whatever percent of the country.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (13:22)
So you've got guys like, Senator Lindsey Graham, Kevin McCarthy, Senator Ted Cruz. There's so many people, that were trying to crush Trump in 2016. There were literally withering attacks day in and day out. Those people are now in the boat with Mr. Trump. And those people are the biggest sycophants of Mr. Trump. And I'm just wondering, what do you say about that? How has he been so successful in bending people who are that influential in that powerful to his will? What are they doing exactly? What's the order in their personality of their priorities that are allowing that to happen?

Michael Schmidt: (14:06)
I would actually ask you this question. And My thesis, and I want to see what you think about this. My thesis is that, they still don't understand the base of the party. So if you're Lindsay Graham, you're probably really surprised that Trump got as far as he did in the Republican Party primary. And then you're even more surprised that he became president and even more surprised that he endured and survived despite the way that he behaved.

Michael Schmidt: (14:34)
So what I think is that if you're a Lindsey Graham, you're not totally sure what the base really wants and is willing to go along with. And the only thing that you can recognize is that they've been willing to go along with this. So you have to dance, you have to grab the Baton and the parade and just start marching. Because I don't think that they fully thought the base would do this. And the only thing they know is that the base has gone with him. So they have to go with him. What do you think?

Anthoy Scaramucci: (15:07)
Well, I mean, there's many things I a bore in light, but racism is probably at the pinnacle in terms of what I a bore. Because just complete unfairness and talking about peace and social justice. And so this whole Southern strategy that Stuart Stevens writes about in his book, we had him on SALT Talk, and the acceptance of this sort of systemic institutionalized racism in 2020, I find reprehensible. And I would make a statement that if we don't figure that out in the Republican Party, Republican Party is going to end up on the ash heap of history. If Mr. Trump wins and they continue down this path, it's going to be aging, white people that buy catheters and SeaPak machines and my pillows from Fox News during the commercial breaks. That's going to be their party and it'll be a minority party for a generation.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (15:54)
And so if they're clinging to that, they're making a very big mistake. My odyssey with Mr. Trump was I was an establishment, Republican fundraiser working for Jeb Bush. He recruited me, I allowed my ego to impair my judgment. I was excited by the opportunity of working on that campaign. And so I chose to ignore, you could call it moral expediency or whatever you want to call it. The comments about the Mexicans, the comments about the immigrants, the comments about the Muslims. And I think I lost a piece of myself doing that, which I've apologized for. And I could no longer take the moving of the goalpost. When he told the four Congresswoman to go back to the countries that they came from, I told mayor Giuliani, hey man, they said that to our Italian grandparents, why are you a tolerating these races native as tropes?

Anthoy Scaramucci: (16:46)
And the answer is everybody wants to be in the bubble Michael. They want to be in the state dinner. They want to be in the presidential motorcade. They want to be on air force one. And there's a seduction to power that allows these people to conform to his behavior. So I don't like it at all. And I think what you're saying is interesting, but I would say something differently to you. We need leadership in the country that is more like a thermostat on the wall, as opposed to a thermometer. Mr. Trump is a thermometer. There's anger out there. Let's tap into the anger and all of these accolades gravitate to that. But we actually need a thermostat. We need somebody to say, okay, hey, we're going to punch in these coordinates. We're going to lower the temperature in the room.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (17:33)
I'm going to show you how we're going to do this. And we're going to calm down this middle-class and lower middle-class anxiety and anger by actually providing them something of substance, which could make their lives better. And so we're not doing that on a result of which they're catching waves that are coming towards the beach, and they're trying to surf those waves. And I just think they're making a huge mistake and it's going to really hurt that party. It'll also hurt the country, because you're going to have a lopsided country here soon. You don't want one party rule. One party rule has destroyed the city of New York. It's impaired the state of California. You need two vigorous parties. But this is about you, not me. You asked me the question, I shouldn't have been that long winded.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (18:20)
Let me go back to the book because I think this is an interesting thing about this book. Mr. Trump feels like he is one of the characters in Looney Tunes. The envelope is coming for him. It's about to hit him in the head. He escapes the envelope. He's tied to the rail track and here comes the train for some reason he's released from the rails and he gets out. How was he able to do that? How is he the Harry Houdini of political corruption and malfeasance?

Michael Schmidt: (18:50)
I think that the thing about Trump is that Trump can't take a punch, but he can take a beating better than anyone else. So like he can't take the day-to-day criticisms and it drives him crazy. But what he does is that he trudges on despite incredible embarrassment and sustaining things that if you or I or anyone was running for public office and did, we would have given up on and gone home. Let's say, for example, politician X was running for office and he on the trail said, what Trump did about John McCain about being caught. My guess is that, it's more times than not. That politician would have come out and said, I cannot believe I said that. I'm incredibly sorry, I'm retreating from public life. I'm going to go home. And I'm going to spend the rest of my life repenting, for what I said.

Michael Schmidt: (19:45)
But Trump was emboldened by that. And he just continued on. And I think his ability to continue on undeterred is one of his greatest assets. The day after Robert Mueller testified before Congress, in which he laid out, I mean, not very effectively, but he testified about what was in his report about obstruction and collusion. The next day, Trump picks up the phone and combines the greatest hits of obstruction and collusion into one event. And he asked the Ukrainian president to interfere in the election to help his candidacy by using his law enforcement powers. And I just don't think most people that would have endured a two year long investigation like Mueller's in which it looked at the use of law enforcement and obstruction and collusion in terms of ties, if using a foreign power and an election, would then go out the day after that person testified and combine the greatest hits into one thing.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (20:49)
When you interviewed your sources and lets your sources be anonymous, unless the ones that have been on the record in the book, do they have regrets? Do they feel guilty? Is there any sign of remorse or is it just I'm coming to you Michael, can, off the record, just to ventilate a little bit? What was your feeling about the people that you were interviewing?

Michael Schmidt: (21:14)
Let's put that question aside. Let's take on McGahn. Let's just take on McGahn for a second. Because McGahn comes to the Trump...

Anthoy Scaramucci: (21:21)
Okay. So for those... That's Don McGahn, the former White House general counsel, who was the lead lawyer on the campaign. Go ahead. Sorry Michael I just wanted to...

Michael Schmidt: (21:30)
So this is Trump top lawyer. McGahn came to the trough of the Trump presidency and he did three things that were remarkable. Trump gave him the power to remake the courts and he remade the courts. At the same time, Trump badgered him was nasty to him. And McGahn had to become a container of Trump. Trump's someone trying to stop Trump. And at the same time McGahn was a chief witness as a lawyer against his client in an existential threat to the presidency. In the end McGahn did all these things, but he walked away with two new justices on the Supreme Court that are made in the mold of a Scalia or a Thomas the type of person that he believes in. He believes in the courts more than anything else.

Michael Schmidt: (22:23)
And he walked away with no criminal exposure, a big legal bill and some pretty frightening experiences but largely intact. Does he regret that? I don't think so. Because he walked away with this invaluable thing of remaking the courts and being the person to do that. Did he have to put up with behavior that most people wouldn't have in order to do that? Yes. Does he regret that? My guess is no, because he got the courts at it. But it's a lot to...

Anthoy Scaramucci: (23:03)
So you're saying that the ends justify the means. Is basically what you're saying. [crosstalk 00:23:10] that's where the revocation comes in, right?

Michael Schmidt: (23:13)
That would be one of the rationalizations of the people around the president. It's like well, in the end the courts were more important than anything else. And I think that it's not as simple question as I regret coming to the Trump presidency. And I saw a lot of things that were bad and I should have done more. These people got things out of it. They got notoriety that got profiles that they wouldn't have had before. Some people say Don McGahn wouldn't have been the White House council under a more traditional president. I don't think five years ago someone said to you, you were going to be the White House communications director for...

Anthoy Scaramucci: (24:03)
I was yelling at Jeb Bush last week on assault dog. You should have won the goddamn nomination. I would have been anywhere near the White House. When Trump called me, after I got fired, I said relax, you made me as famous as Melania and Ivanka. I didn't have to sleep with you or be your daughter. So we're just fine. Let's move on. But McGahn calls Trump Kang or King Kong in this book, at least according to Michael Schmidt, why did he refer to him as that? Tell us why.

Michael Schmidt: (24:30)
Because Trump was needlessly destroying things and was sort of uncontainable and McGahn had a pretty good sense of humor and had to deal with this force of the president. And basically looked at Trump as this larger than life scientific character that would go out and no matter what you did would trudge on and destroy things for unnecessary things. I think that the thing that if these people and you may believe this yourself too, it's like it never had to be this hard for Trump. If Trump and I write about this in the book, McGahn thought if Trump just behaved like Reagan became caught up with the trappings of the presidency and allowed his people to ruthlessly execute his agenda, then he could have been really successful.

Michael Schmidt: (25:31)
And the thing about the Trump story that sort of undermines not my interest in it, but that sometimes undermines the stories that once or twice a month, Trump kicks the ball into his own goal and he blames the other team. It's not like two sides here where they're really plotting or whatever. It's Trump is just so ad hoc that it almost makes it less interesting. You almost wouldn't, in terms of the story, it's he just undermines himself at every point. And it makes you wonder, is the presidency maybe easier than we thought it?

Anthoy Scaramucci: (26:14)
And I get the point, I want to turn it over to John. And one second, but I have one last question I'm spending a lot of time, in the pandemic reading about interwar Germany. Which is a fascinating period in European history, which leads to the rise of populism and nationalism and ultimately fascism. Steve Bannon always said this, and you address it a little bit. I'm just curious if you'll share it with us here. When Trump calls the media fake news, it's an attack taught to him by Steve Ben and it's quite reminiscent to interwar Germany. Tell us in your opinion, why he's doing that? Why is that attack so successful? And what can the media do to sort of restore the trust that I believe it needs to have with the American people, with the preponderance of the American people?

Michael Schmidt: (27:06)
I think that the one of Trump's greatest strengths is not one that is dried to the legal powers of the presidency, but it's derived at what I would call the megaphone of the presidency. And it's the ability to say things that people will pay attention to and the willingness to say things. So it's not just the fact that he's the president and he goes out and he gives a speech. It's the fact that he's willing to say, 10, 20, 30 different things a day than most presidents wouldn't say. Because by doing that and just repeatedly hitting that note on the issue, like fake news, it has a lasting impact. And I think for the media to say that it doesn't, is wrong. Because you can't live in a world where the person with the loudest megaphone says, things like that and it doesn't have some damage.

Michael Schmidt: (27:58)
So, I think it's been incredibly effective, even if it's something that is incredibly simplistic, it's something we assume in the media that we're going to get attacked on some sophisticated thing on you got the facts wrong or whatever. We didn't just think that someone was going to come by and scream out. You idiots you're a bunch of fake news. So it sort of tests us in a way that, we're used to fighting things with facts. It's like, well here are the facts. And it's sort of hard to respond to a bull horn, with an answer like that.

Michael Schmidt: (28:33)
So, I think it's been super effective and I don't know what the remedy is. I don't know what it is. And I think that it is, this is sort of a cop-out when you don't know what to say, but I think that really, we will only be able to measure the damage of it after we have some time after whenever Trump is done in office to really look back and see if it really matters what comes afterwards. And if whatever comes afterwards is similar to Trump and this keeps up then we could be in some full real trouble.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (29:10)
Well said, I'm going to turn it over to John Darsie. Who's got questions from the audience, but then I hold the book up again. One more time, Donald Trump versus the United States. And I'm sorry Phil Rucker but this is the best book right now that I have read on...

John Darsie: (29:25)
Call Carol the author. Come on don't leave Carol out of this.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (29:27)
Who's that?

John Darsie: (29:28)
She's his co-author on the book.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (29:29)
All right. Yeah. Okay. I don't know her as well. You know what I mean? We got Peter Baker coming up with Susan. You know we're going to favor Susan in that interview. John, I'm just giving you the heads up on that. Okay. But go ahead. We got questions from the outside audience. Go ahead.

John Darsie: (29:42)
So your last comments were a great segue to this next question about what comes next. And I'm going to ask you to put your sort of prognostication hat on a little bit, but also refer to some comments that have been made in recent days by some Republican senators. And it seems like almost the quiet part is now being set out loud. Trump, he's basically tweeting out, we're not going to allow minorities to come into the suburbs, Housewives of America vote for me and I'll prevent low-income housing from coming to the suburbs. He's, he's shown a willingness to do some things to say some things out loud that maybe the Republican Party believed in but never had the courage to fight for so openly. And you now have Senator Mike Lee, who's tweeting out the fact that democracy isn't the objective.

John Darsie: (30:25)
He's saying that yes, while we have some democratic elements of the Constitutional Republic of the United States that ultimately our job as elected officials is to fight for prosperity, for peace and for Liberty. And so they're basically setting the stage for justification of a lot of the voter suppression and other heavy handed tactics that they're probably going to use over the next month or so. So do you think that portends for what's going to come in the next five to 10 years, let's say Biden wins and the polls are right. Do you think it's just going to be four years of very underhanded fighting from Republicans who think they're the guardians of American society and culture?

Michael Schmidt: (31:06)
I was really surprised by the Mike Lee tweet and really wanted to know more about what was behind it. Because I'd never seen anything like that. And I was surprised it didn't even get more attention, but I'd never seen a politician, sort of, for I guess Mike Liza, a Republican Senator to say something like that. So I don't know what to make of that. I think that, whatever comes after Trump, the tone of it will really matter. If the next attorney general let's say, Biden wins and the next attorney general, is a Democrat who has been out there for the past four years publicly really going after Trump. And it's then decides to turn the focus of the justice department back on the Trump administration.

Michael Schmidt: (32:02)
I think you're going to get a sense that, in this country it's whoever wins, the election is just going to go after the other side. And we're going to get caught up in sort of a continuous loop in that. Down that path is a pretty potentially dangerous thing. If the public, and what I'm saying is that if the public perceives it to be whoever wins goes after the other side. Because I think that in any administration that takes over for another, there's always some look back at the previous administration. But I don't think that we've ever thought that the result of an election was to go back and sort of prosecute the previous administration. But certainly Trump has made his desires to do that to the previous administration, a central part of it saying it as recently as today. So, I don't know. I think that sometimes when one side sees another side do something, they adjust to keep up with them and whatever they... If there's a tit for tat here, you're down a new and different path.

John Darsie: (33:22)
And just to add on a little bit to the Mike Lee tweet, Anthony responded to the tweet basically saying, Senator, is this the steroids talking or do you really believe that democracy is basically not the goal here? I know it's not the end goal but... And he got a lot of vicious replies from all of the Conservative think tanks. And it almost made me think that this was a bat signal that's gone out in the Republican Party to say, you know what guys, we have to embrace this messaging that Trump has embraced about voter suppression and all the things that we're going to have to do to maintain power with the party in its current form. And so that's somewhat troubling. And I think portends interesting times ahead over the next few weeks. But I want to pivot to the New York Times story about secretary Clinton's personal email use, which you broke that story.

John Darsie: (34:08)
And I find it curious that for some reason on Twitter and in social media, it's become fun to dunk on the New York Times for doing things that might potentially work against the interests of progressive Americans that are deemed as the subscribers to the New York Times, I guess. And so there's been a lot of, I don't know, accusations is not the right word, but sort of criticisms of the Times for giving oxygen to stories that might potentially benefit Trump or focusing on what might be perceived as small stories in the scope of the grand corruption that exists sometimes in the Trump administration. So how, when you're reporting a story, you stumble upon a story that might be negative on vice president Biden or secretary Clinton. How do you weigh the consequences of your reporting when you're writing a story?

Michael Schmidt: (34:54)
I think that it's a good question. I think that for what we do, it's pretty simple. We're going to follow the facts wherever they lead us. And we're here to cover the world around us as thoroughly and as authoritatively as possible. And to find out what has gone on behind the scenes, in terms of any political party of any person, to understand the larger forces in the country and to put them into context and tell that story. We're not here... We operate without fear or favor as we say, in our credo. And sometimes that means that you write stories that the president tweets nasty things about you. Sometimes that means that you write stories that the left gets very upset about. It's part of working in journalism and working at the Times, is that you're going to write things and people are not going to like them.

Michael Schmidt: (35:57)
And it's part of the job. And if you got into the job to satisfy people that's not what we're there to do, we're out there to sort of ruthlessly go after the truth and to try and tell that. And I think that at least before and I think still is, is that is an agreed upon bedrock of the country of one of the core values of the country. And I understand that a lot of people don't like a lot of things that I've written for a lot of different reasons. But if I'm getting up in the morning and heading out the door, I just don't head out the door anymore. Because I'm getting up in the morning and going to work. I think that if I'm trying to figure out how not to make people upset, then that's a bad way of starting a day. And it's my job to go out and just try and find the story. And we're not going to make friends in that process but we didn't get in into it make friends.

John Darsie: (36:58)
So this is sort of a personal follow-up question to Anthony's question about, president Trump's attacks on the media as the enemy of the people, from a personal standpoint, what has it been like to live through this era where journalists are sometimes targeted, whether it's with digital hate mail or at rallies, getting targeted. What's it been like to report in this highly charged environment on a personal level?

Michael Schmidt: (37:24)
I mean, the thing that struck me the most is the vitriol that has been directed at my colleague Maggie Haberman, which has been far more intense than anything than I have or any of us has confronted. And I think it's been very unfair and I've always said, Maggie can deal with the level of stuff that she has and the rest of us could deal because the rest of us face far less stuff. I don't know what the answer to it is. I think you just have to put your head down and get back to work and that sounds like a cliché and it sounds easier than it is. But that is sort of... It's the only choice that we have.

John Darsie: (38:07)
So we have a devil's advocate question from one of our participants and it says, if president Trump didn't pretend like he was going to be a continuation of the norms that existed in American government before him. He ran on the fact that, conventional government wasn't working for the people and he was there to disrupt it. So why would we expect him to fit into that mold of a traditional politician and conform to the norms that the American people have seen that have failed them? Do you think, the fact that he still has maybe 40% support is a reflection of just continued dissatisfaction with the way our political system is operating and serving people that have been left out from the economic growth we've seen over the last 30 years in the country?

Michael Schmidt: (38:48)
Yeah, totally. And I think that he's been very faithful to that base. I mean, if anything it may end up be his political undoing, is his unwillingness to tack to the center. But he has played to that base, what that bases wanted to here and what that base has wanted for him to do are fairly consistently. And I think that, that's why he has held on to them as strongly as he has. And I think one of the interesting things, the calculations that he may see is he is not moved to the center. And he is not tacked to the center in ways that probably would have been fairly easy for him. Because he seems so fearful of that base and that he wants to continue to feed that base. My guess is that the base would stay with him, even if he moves a little bit to the center.

Michael Schmidt: (39:35)
But he's been unwilling to do that. And I just think the real question, I think in this election will be, is how big is that base? How big is that base? And can that base still get him over the line? I mean, the polls seem to show that it's not, but I don't know. I think that's the thing. It's like, he's bet on the base. And not move to the center on anything.

John Darsie: (40:00)
So I know you're not a pollster or a political forecaster, and I want to end it with your prediction about what happens, come November. Do you think the polls are going to hold true? And if Biden does win, how do you expect based on your reporting in the book and about how Trump deals with these types of situations, how do you expect to him to handle a transfer of power?

Michael Schmidt: (40:23)
I don't know. I don't know. And I think that for us to get back for... I'm having a Mike Pence moment here, I got a fly on my head. I think for us to...

Anthoy Scaramucci: (40:41)
You moved a lot more quickly than Mike Pence. I just want to point that out.

Michael Schmidt: (40:47)
I think, for us to assume...

Anthoy Scaramucci: (40:50)
Then again you probably don't have the smell a shit from all the bullshit emanating from your head. So, the fly probably moved fast.

Michael Schmidt: (40:59)
I think that for us to expect... I think without being alarmist and trying to predict the future, which is our to do, I think that the president has shown an unwillingness to go along with norms. So anytime that you're heading into a situation that's based on norms, which I think we've learned in the Trump story, the country's a lot more based on norms and his own laws that if you're heading into a situation that's heavily reliant on norms and let's just say elections and transfers of power are heavily reliant on norms. You have to be open-minded to the fact that he's not going to follow norms. I'm just saying based on his behavior as president, he's not wanting to follow norms and he's been willing to do anything against those norms and a situation relying on norms. You guys are the math guys, the finance guys, but when you have factors like that, I think your chances of something are higher.

John Darsie: (42:03)
Well Michael, thank you so much for joining us. It's been fascinating following your reporting over the last four years, and even prior to that. But you're now a household name because of how much Trump has put the media in the spotlight. So, thanks so much for all the work you've done. Anthony, you have a final word?

Anthoy Scaramucci: (42:19)
Yeah. Michael, the only reason why we did this with these, we don't want to be the subject of one of your books. Okay? So John and I were buttering you up with this SALT Talk. Okay? In all series is I gotta tell you, this was a fascinating read. I'd recommend it to anybody, even if they don't have an interest in politics, you quote Shakespeare a few times in here. This is a Shakespearean story unfolding in American real time. I really enjoyed it, Michael. And thank you so much for joining us on SALT Talks.

Michael Schmidt: (42:50)
Thanks so much for having me. It's been great.

Anthoy Scaramucci: (42:51)
All right. Be well.

Michael Schmidt: (42:52)
Thanks.

John Brennan: Life Inside the CIA | SALT Talks #75

“U.S. divisions are fueled not just by the domestic demagogues, but they're being fueled by the countries abroad who want to see the U.S. in disarray, that want to sow the chaos and confusion here in the United States, really undermine our ability to fulfill our global responsibilities as well as to grow economically, politically and militarily.”

John O. Brennan served as director of the Central Intelligence Agency from March 2013 until January 2017, following a long a career in U.S. intelligence and counterterrorism. As director, he was responsible for intelligence collection, analysis, covert action, counterintelligence, and liaison relationships with foreign intelligence services.

Division among Americans on issues ranging from taxes to climate change creates opportunities for people and groups both foreign and domestic to weaken the United States’ standing in the world. Cyber tools have become more powerful in their ability to deceive and distort the truth. “They want to sow the chaos and confusion here in the United States, really undermine our ability to fulfill our global responsibilities as well as to grow economically, politically and militarily.”

Increased partisan polarization in Washington has threatened the traditionally non-partisan nature of national security among politicians. Foreign adversaries like Vladimir Putin have taken full advantages of those rifts in American politics and sought drive a wedge between U.S. politicians and citizens whenever possible. Looking back at the run-up to the 2016 presidential election, mistakes were made that allowed many of Russia’s subversion tactics to succeed.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

John O. Brennan.jpeg

John Brennan

Director, Central Intelligence Agency

(2013-2017)

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Joe Eletto: (00:07)
Hello, everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is Joe Eletto and I'm the production manager of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum and networking platform encompassing finance, technology and geopolitics. SALT Talks is a series of digital interviews with the world's foremost investors, creators and thinkers and just as we do at our global SALT conferences, we aim to bolt and power big important ideas and provide our audience a window into the minds of subject matter experts. We are very excited today to welcome Director John Brennan to SALT Talks.

Joe Eletto: (00:39)
John Brennan served as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, from March of 2013 until January of 2017. From January 2009 to March 2013, Director Brennan was assistant to the president for Homeland Security and Counter Terrorism, shaping the US government's counter terrorism strategy and coordinating Obama administration and policies on Homeland Security, Counter Terrorism, Cyber Attacks, National Disasters and Pandemics. Director Brennan began his government service at the CIA, where he worked from 1980 to 2005 and specialize in Middle Eastern affairs and Counter Terrorism. He served the CIA's intelligence briefer to President Clinton, Chief of Staff to then Director of Central Intelligence, George Tenet and Deputy Executive Director.

Joe Eletto: (01:28)
In 2003, he led a multi-agency effort to establish what would become a National Counter Terrorism Center. Serving as the center's first director in 2004. He retired from the CIA in 2005 and worked in the private sector for three years. Mr. Brennan currently is a distinguished fellow at the Center of National Security at Fordham Law School, a distinguished scholar at the University of Texas at Austin, a senior intelligence and national security analyst for NBC and MSNBC and an adviser to a variety of private sector companies.

Joe Eletto: (02:00)
If you have any questions for Director Brennan during today's talks, please enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen and hosting today's talk is Anthony Scaramucci, the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge as well as the Chairman of SALT. I'll turn it over to Anthony to begin.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:16)
In addition to me John, I've got Robert Wolf with us, who's our partner on Strategic Worldviews, who was one of President Obama's economic advisers and was the former CEO of UBS Americas. It's great to have you on. I got to ask this question because this is my typical first question and we're going to turn it over to Robert in a second. But you've had this storied career, amazing patriot, but there's something about you that we don't know, that we can't find from Wikipedia and I know you've buried a lot of your stuff because you're in the CIA. But I want you to tell us something about your upbringing that we couldn't find from Wikipedia and how it created or helped you to create the career [inaudible 00:02:59] that you ultimately went on, John, Director Brennan.

John Brennan: (03:03)
Well, Anthony, first of all, thank you so much for the invitation and to participate in this conference today. Really, really privileged to do so. I grew up right across the river from New York city in Hudson County, New Jersey. Went to elementary and high school over there and then went to Fordham College in the Bronx. I was, grew up in the hard scrabble streets of Hudson County and really enjoyed that upbringing, but one of the things that relates in my memoir Undaunted, which is going to be released tomorrow, talks about my Catholicism early on and my interest in becoming a priest. So, until I was about 13 or 14, I was determined to enter the priesthood, but also, my ambition was to become the first American Pope. Again, I grew up in a very religious household and I was on that track and then when I got into high school, I guess, some other things diverted me from it. But, I had always hoped to be the first American Pope, especially when I was younger, who was Pope John XXIII, who was instrumental in terms of reforming the Catholic Church. So, that's one of the things that I think, probably is not known in Wikipedia.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:13)
All right. I'm so happy I asked that question. As a fellow Catholic, so I have to ask this follow up question, if you don't mind. What was your name? What we're you going? We're you going to be a pious? Were you going to be a John, a Paul? What was the name you we're thinking of?

John Brennan: (04:29)
Well, my middle name is Owen and that's our family name, so I didn't know if I could in fact get the approval for the College of Cardinals to become Pope Owen I, but it was one of the things that I have thought of [crosstalk 00:04:40]

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:40)
You see that? This is new information, ladies and gentlemen. This is why we do SALT Talks. Look at this nugget of information we pulled out of our former CIA director. Let's talk about Undaunted and congratulations on the book and I see it there behind you and I have to confess, I haven't gotten it yet, but I look forward to reading it. Tell us why you wrote it. Tell us why we should read it, sir?

John Brennan: (05:05)
Well, in the preference of the book, I talk about the principle purposes. One purpose is to try to correct a lot of the mischaracterizations and misrepresentations that are in the public arena. About what the CIA does, what the CIA's mission is and also, what happened while I was CIA director and a CIA officer. It's just so much information out there that I think, people take as gospel and I wanted to at least provide my rendition of events and developments that took place during my career. But, more importantly, I wrote this book in order to give American citizens and especially young Americans a better sense of, what the national security establishment is like, what it's like to have a profession in intelligence or law enforcement and to give a bit of a behind the scenes look at how fascinating, how challenging and also, how rewarding that life of public service is.

John Brennan: (06:02)
I would like to be able to be able to convince young Americans who have tremendous skills and intellect and talent, to really consider public service as a part of their future career. This country faces enormous challenges in the 21st century and we really need the best and brightest that this country has to offer, to help keep this country and their fellow citizens safe. Unfortunately, I think, the chaos and confusion in Washington over the last several years has really discouraged a lot of young Americans, the students that I talk to at universities. It has discouraged them from filling out that application for FBI or CIA or the foreign service exam. I tell them, this is exactly the time they should be doing it and they should disregard all of that political nonsense that's going on in Washington because it's really important that this country stay strong, stay prosperous and secure in the future and we need them to join this public effort.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:03)
You talked a lot in your career, I'm certain it's in the book abour our foreign adversaries, but also the fights that we're having domestically. If you could give us unclassified threat assessment right now, what are some of the greatest threats to America at this moment, Director?

John Brennan: (07:23)
Well, certainly there are a number of challenges on the international scene. Vladimir Putin continues to look at the US-Russia relationship as a zero-sum game and believes that anything he can do to bring the United States down is to Russia's betterment. We have issues with China, clearly on the trade front. We need to grapple with this growing Chinese behemoth on the international scene, both politically, economically and militarily are on terrorism, proliferation, these are all issues. But this is where it really requires the United States to have a much more united and unified approach to dealing with these world challenges. The United States, I'm a strong believer in American exceptionalism. Not because we're better or smarter than anyone else, it's because we've had tremendous good fortune having this wonderful large country with bountiful national resources, large sea coasts, navigable rivers, arable land. Much more than any other country and we're also the melting pot of this global community.

John Brennan: (08:32)
So, I think, we have exceptional responsibilities on that global stage and if we're going to continue to fight among ourselves and be polarized and have demagogues try to further divide us, we're not going to be able to fulfill the responsibilities we have on that global stage. So, I think, the greatest threat to us right now is the internal divisions that we have experience, especially over the last several years. Donald Trump is not the sole reason for that by any means. He's more of a symptom of this polarization within our country and I really do think that we need to find a way to try to bridge some of those differences and not be as internally divided as we are.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:13)
Before I turn it over to Robert who has a set of questions for you and then we're going to take questions from the audience and one last question for you on this session. It's about our differences because you and I think, see the world very similarly, we have great love of country and we see the unity in the togetherness of the country more than we see our separation. Let me ask you, it's a two-part question, what is causing the separation, internally and then how are adversaries exploiting or making that separation, either through the use of social media or other things that they're doing and let's call it active measures to divide us even further, Director. Tell me what you think is the symptom and the impact on the system and then how ours it be exacerbated from the outside?

John Brennan: (10:03)
Well, clearly we're dealing with a lot of challenges in this day and age and the Americans have a lot of different views on climate change, on taxes, on social issues, on abortion. I think, there is a need for this debate within the United States because we're not going to be unanimous on these issues and that's fine. But, I think, there is a lot of effort to try to fuel the animus that exist between these various groups. As you point out, these internal US divisions are fueled not just by the domestic demagogues, but they're being fueled by the countries abroad who want to see the US in disarray. That want to see the chaos and confusion here in the United States, really undermine our ability to fulfill our global responsibilities as well as to grow economically, politically and militarily.

John Brennan: (10:58)
So, when I look out in the 21st century and issues related to for example, the digital domain, the cyber realm, which you point out. There's a lot of information operations underway to try to shape the perspectives and to distort the facts and the truth of that the American people are going to be [inaudible 00:11:17]. This is an effort to try to further divide, as we saw what happened in the 2016 election, the Russians were not just trying to undercut Hillary Clinton, [inaudible 00:11:28] Donald Trump, they also were trying to divide the Democrats between Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton. So again, that division within the United States here, really helps a lot of these foreign countries, these foreign adversaries, who again are trying to diminish the tremendous capability, the tremendous potential of the United States and this is where I do criticize our politicians in Washington, on both sides of [inaudible 00:11:53]. I'm not a Democrat or Republican, I served for six presidents, three Democrats, three Republicans, they all took their jobs very, very seriously.

John Brennan: (12:01)
Although I disagree with the policies of everyone of those presidents, they all approached it with the appropriate attitude and seriousness that the position deserves. Unfortunately, Donald Trump has not done that and that's why I decided to speak out in this second retirement of mine and I wish I didn't have to do that. Anthony, I just wanted to say thank you to you, to speak out, speaking out forcefully and honestly. I wish more people would do that because we really need to get this country back on track for all Americans. Not just for a particular group or political party.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:35)
Well, I do appreciate that, sir. You ruined my punchline, I'm just going to say that I'm very shy and introverted, but now that you've thanked me, I have to accept your thanks and as you know it's not easy for either of us, but we both love the country. The first time I met you was actually at a [inaudible 00:12:51] launch, I think, we were over at the university club after I just gotten back from Afghanistan and once you come back from Afghanistan as a civilian and you see the magnitude of our problems over there, it totally colors your opinion differently than if you don't have that information. So, somebody like you that has been given the gift to have all of these information, to be the patriot you are, we're very grateful to you. Robert has questions as well and I'm going to turn it over to the audience and it's a real honor for us to have you, sir. And-

John Brennan: (13:21)
Thanks again, Anthony.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:22)
Can you hold up the book? Because I'm a little bit of a promotional person. Let's bring the book up and put it up there because I don't have my book. There you go. Okay. So, we'll be out there promoting that book for you, sir, but go ahead, Robert.

Robert Wolf: (13:36)
Well thank you, Anthony. It's always easy to follow you when I send you my questions and you take half of them upfront. So, I mean, this is a-

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:43)
I was going to take [crosstalk 00:13:45]

Robert Wolf: (13:44)
This is the way the partnership works with Anthony, John, so be aware. [crosstalk 00:13:48]

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:49)
I mean, I know you're smarter than me, that's why I would've been cheating off you in law school, but I mean, what can I tell you. [inaudible 00:13:55] the questions.

Robert Wolf: (13:55)
Well, perfect segue, because I do want to thank John before I begin with the questions of, we have something in common. The president went to Florida and then John decided to pass them on to my alma mater at Wharton, so that at least we have that one thing in common that we all went to the same school. I guess, together. So, thanks for that handoff. I'm going to start something a little lighter, John. You're a very serious guy, I think, that's what we love about you because when we listen to you, we know you're serious and so, we have to actually listen because the detail matters. But, what do you do for fun?

John Brennan: (14:35)
Well, after 33+ years in the government, I quite frankly didn't spend as much time with family. I know that's almost a trite, explanation about why people retire from the government, but I missed out a lot in terms of children and grandchildren as well as on culture, so I'm catching up through your reading books. I'm trying to get into better shape, I try to exercise every morning when I was a CIA director, but now as I'm getting up there in age, I'm trying to make sure that I am watching my diet and walking-

Robert Wolf: (15:10)
The question was, what do you do for fun?

John Brennan: (15:12)
Those things are fun for me. They really are. And spending time with family and-

Robert Wolf: (15:17)
That's great.

John Brennan: (15:18)
... and as a grandfather, there's nothing that beats being a grandfather [crosstalk 00:15:21]

Robert Wolf: (15:22)
Good for you.

John Brennan: (15:22)
... it's a lot of fun.

Robert Wolf: (15:23)
I want to take from where Anthony went. We're going to go a little deeper, but you mentioned you worked for three Republicans and three Democratic presidents and even though you had disagreements, you respected them and they respected you. Otherwise, you wouldn't have not lasted. Anthony and I started this business going into our second year, called Strategic Worldviews, that is non-partisan, bipartisan, however you want to explain it. We have Austin [inaudible 00:15:51]. We have Steve [Moore 00:15:54] and Jason [inaudible 00:15:55]. We've done meetings with you and Susan Rice and General Kelly and Tom Bossert, all walks of life and H.R McMaster is going to be following you. I guess, the first thing that we want to know is what was the turn of bipartisanship? When did it just start separating where literally everyone goes to their corners?

John Brennan: (16:21)
It's a good question. Given that I was in the intelligence community and business for many years, I always enjoy being able to go to the intelligence committees on TheHill. In the 90s and even after 9/11 attacks, especially because it was a strong bipartisanship as you say, maybe even non-partisanship. Whether they were Democratic or Republican and they would hang their political affiliation at the door and then really deal with [inaudible 00:16:46] issues. Unfortunately, and I haven't been able to put my finger on it and I think, part of it is a result of the explosion in that digital environment and so much information is going out there. That bipartisanship really has diminished because the fringes on both sides are pulling people away from this center. If you look at the number of seats in the house in the senate, very few of them are really competitive. They're either red or blue, it's because they have been pulled to those ends of the spectrum and I really do believe that there is a need to have get back to the days where Tip O'Neill and Ronald Reagan can actually sit down and have real disagreements, but also raise a glass together and recognize that they have a large responsibility than just to their party or to themselves. They have a responsibility to their country.

John Brennan: (17:37)
Unfortunately, I think, there had been too many craven politicians over the last decade, two decades that really have just intentionally misrepresented the facts in order to promote their personal agendas, their partisan agendas and it is to the [inaudible 00:17:53] of this country. But, we see it, not just here in the United States, but also in other countries around the world. We see a lot of these fringe groups in Europe that are able to now become, in France for example, Marine Le Pen, it was pulling in the single digits, six or eight percent, but then she's able to challenge the party, they were able to challenge for to be ascendant in the government. I think, we're seeing this phenomenon globally, that there is this polarization taking place, partly as a result, I think, of reactions to globalization.

John Brennan: (18:29)
Globalization, I believe is inevitable and it really has better society around the globe, but there are a lot of people who are reacting adversely to the increasing intrusion, as they see it of foreign workers, of foreign influences, of migrant populations and that has led to greater nativism and a [inaudible 00:18:54] that really has led a lot of people to have this adverse attitude toward things that are new and progressivism. At the same time, there are a lot of influences that come in and that are not respecting some of those national identities and national traditions. So, I think, part of this is revolutionary evolution in terms of the global landscape that really is pitting the old world against the new world. I think, some demagogues take advantage of it.

Robert Wolf: (19:25)
That segues into the next question, pretty easily. I don't want to make it nationalism and protection versus globalization, I want to actually center it where we are today. So, how should we look at a Trump re-election versus a Biden presidency from a national security perspective? They cannot be more stark and feel [inaudible 00:19:46].

John Brennan: (19:47)
Yeah. Well, having worked closely with Joe Biden throughout the Obama administration for eight years. He is somebody who is deeply experienced in a lot of these foreign affairs and national security issues. Joe Biden is somebody who would like to bring our troops home from places like Afghanistan, Iraq. He has seen the horrors of war close and I do think he doesn't believe that the United States should be involved in the military adventurism that actually got us involved in Iraq. Afghanistan was a much different situation. But, the thing that I think, Joe Biden will do differently than Donald Trump was doing, which is to really reach out to our partners and allies around the world and to recognize that the United States is strong because of those relationships because we have fulfilled that leadership role. The mantra of America First, America First, that Donald Trump issues, really has quite shrilled to the ears of a lot of our partners and allies around the world because it makes appear that the United States is going to try to advantage itself to the disadvantage of others.

John Brennan: (20:49)
So, I think, one of the first things that Joe Biden would do is to really try to get those relationships back on track and also, try to deal honestly and directly with the issues such as North Korea's nuclear program, that has not been reversed and that continues to develop and grow. I think, Joe Biden will deal with China in a very forceful manner, but I think, he's going to be much more surgical and much more strategic as opposed to blunt instruments. I think, Joe Biden will bring a different approach. I think, if Donald Trump gets re-elected, he'll continue along this path with the obsequiousness toward Vladimir Putin as well as trying to demonstrate a muscularity with little, quite frankly little substance behind me.

Robert Wolf: (21:42)
Well, you brought up Putin, so I'm going to stay with that. You were working with the Obama administration during mid 2016. In retrospect, do you think the public should've been more aware of the Russian interference on the election and when you look at the moves made by James Comey, that seemed to have really change the outcome by many perspectives, not all. Bring us back to that time and maybe if it was, call it a mulligan, what would you have done? Not you, but what do you think should've been done?

John Brennan: (22:26)
Well, it's an important issue and it's still living with us now and I devoted a couple of chapters in the book to it. It was quite evident I think, to people within the Obama administration as well as to the American public that Russia was trying to interfere with the election. It was in the media, it was in the press and seeing Donald Trump's public calls for Russia to find Hillary's emails, he made no secret of his relationship and interest in having Russia assist him the election. It was a very, very difficult time and we we're very concerned about possible interference by Russia in the technical infrastructure of our electoral system. We were trying to understand whether or not they were going to do something to try to affect the votalities, we saw that they were navigating into a certain state systems. We didn't know whether they were going to try to pull down the voter registration roles or not, but what was much more impactful as well as insidious were there information operations. All the things that they did in social media, things that I have learned about, an awful a lot, since I left the government.

John Brennan: (23:30)
In terms of the personas that they would put out there in Facebook, in Twitter, misrepresenting themselves as Americans and really influencing the attitudes and views of American citizens and I do think, it did effect votes by what they did. I talked in the book also, about Jim Comey's decisions to have that press conference as well as to notify congress that he was basically reopening the investigation just about a week or two before the election and I have tremendous respect for Jim Comey. I never saw a partisan bone in his body, in terms of how he carry out his duties as FBI director, but, I disagree with those decisions. Sure at 2020 hindsight is much more greater fidelity, but I don't think he should've done those things. I don't know all the things that he took into account when he made those decisions, but I do think that on the eve of an election and given the Department of Justice guidelines that really, should not do anything in the period of time before a general election-

Robert Wolf: (24:35)
Does that correlate to the idea that, we should or should not have proliferated what was happening from the possibility of what Russia was doing because it was really pushed under the carpet.

John Brennan: (24:54)
Well, there were public announcements by the Obama administration about Russia's attempts to interfere with the election in October. Secretary of Homeland and Security Jay Johnson and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper came out with a statement about it. We did send messages to the Russians, I think, I was the first US official to brace the Russians when I spoke to the head of their internal security services in early August of 2016 and told them to knock it off. I don't know whether or not our warnings to them dissuaded them from doing more than what they did. In the book, I talked about some of the options we considered, including rattling the Russia's cyber cage. Everybody thinks that China and Russia have much greater cyber capabilities than the United States. That's not true. We have tremendous capability, but on the eve of a hotly contested presidential election, did we want to engage in a cyber war with Russia, because they could escalate that and their objective was to undermine the integrity of the US election.

John Brennan: (25:53)
By doing that, by doing something in the cyber front, would that have prompted the Russians to actually increase what they did? President Obama did not want to do anything that was going to interfere, one way or the other in that election. I think, we have to still learn a lot about how we can deter these types of attacks, whether they be technical attacks or information operational attacks because I think, the foundations of our democracy is really depend on them.

Robert Wolf: (26:19)
John, I want to carry from that today. One of the top streaming movies is called, The Social Dilemma and maybe how you learned [inaudible 00:26:31] post-CIA, I would probably say, I'm learning things as well with having kids in their 20s.the documentary really goes after internet privacy and the lack thereof. When you know think about Facebook and Twitter, one, should it be a more closed environment? Should it be regulated? Should we even be on it? What do you recommend to your grandkids on Facebook, on Twitter? You don't have to go into detail about each of those, although we'd loved to have you view that, but more, how do you look at social media and then, the idea of we're giving away our privacy and our data?

John Brennan: (27:16)
Well Robert, this is the question for the 21st century and for our country. How are we going to try to have the digital domain continue to advance our prosperity and our security and not undermine it? Because it is the environment where most human transactions and activities take place these days. The challenge is, the digital domain is owned and operated by the private sector, about 80 or 85%. So, what is the appropriate government role in that environment? What should the government be doing and we see that the Chinese and others really have this very authoritarian and suppressive policy toward the internet. But, here in this country, we really cherish the foundations of freedom and freedom of speech and privacy [inaudible 00:28:05]. There is a tension between those things on one side of the ledger and then security on the other. How is the government going to work with the private sector to try to better enhance the security of that digital domain?

Robert Wolf: (28:19)
But you know that news and newspapers, I mean, those are regulated.

John Brennan: (28:23)
Well, they are, yes. But, I must tell you because when I was at the White House, cyber was in my portfolio. It's one thing in terms of the physical world and regulating things that you can actually see and touch. That's why we have regulations whether it deals with orders or [inaudible 00:28:42] or the physical media. When you start getting into that digital environment, it means so much is happening there, it's almost like a wild, wild west and I'm glad to see that the Facebooks and the Twitters now have less [inaudible 00:28:54] than they did earlier. When they thought they were not being exploited, but I didn't say that they have totally [crosstalk 00:29:00]. What they're doing now, is i think, recognizing that they are being exploited by mal actors whether they be foreign or domestic and they need to tidy up their own systems and do more self regulation and I think we see more and more of that. But, I have long called for a national commission, just like we had after the 9/11 attacks.

Robert Wolf: (29:21)
Yeah.

John Brennan: (29:21)
So, that there's a national commission, bipartisan commission, independent commission that is going to look at this issue of the digital domain. Bringing together the futurists, the technologists, the engineers, the businessmen, the bankers, government officials and others, to try to do what we can to ensure that, that environment is going to thrive for our children and grandchildren. But, I must tell you, there's still a lot of stuff that goes on there.

Robert Wolf: (29:46)
Beyond Twitter, are you on an other social media platforms?

John Brennan: (29:49)
No. No. The only reason why I'm on Twitter is because I felt that Donald Trump was just almost monopolizing that. I didn't want to seed that environment to him. But now, I'm-

Robert Wolf: (29:57)
Yeah, me too. I'm on Twitter only because Scaramucci use to go after me when he was with Trump, so I had to do the same thing.

John Brennan: (30:03)
Yeah, exactly. [crosstalk 00:30:04]

Robert Wolf: (30:05)
We're similar that way.

John Brennan: (30:06)
Yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci: (30:08)
You get fake news Director Brennan, even on a SALT Talk. Robert, because we're going to run out of time-

Robert Wolf: (30:14)
Right.

Anthony Scaramucci: (30:14)
... let's ask him a couple of these questions that have come in, if you don't mind.

Robert Wolf: (30:18)
Thank you.

Anthony Scaramucci: (30:19)
Director, this is a great one. How do we restore that reputation of these great agencies, the CIA, the FBI, assuming that you can get to a post Trump administration?

John Brennan: (30:31)
Well, I'd like to think that my former colleagues at CIA, FBI, NSA and other places are continuing to do their work. Unfortunately, I think, there has been some people at the top of these organizations that have abused their authorities. The William Barrs, the John Ratcliffes, the Richard Grenells and others, but I do think that their rank in file, the women and men who sacrificed so much for their fellow citizens really feel strongly about that mission. What you need in the Biden administration is for a President Biden, a Vice President Harris as well as other senior officials of both parties to really highlight the importance of their work as well as the confidence they have that these individuals are going to carry out their work and their mission irrespective of whatever political party might be empower and irrespective of what their own personal political sentiments might be. I do believe that it's resilient to environment.

Anthony Scaramucci: (31:25)
Director Brennan, I'm going to ask you for a little bit of a lightning round here because we've got series of questions and I want to keep you to our schedule. But, I think these are very interesting questions. Let's do a little bit of a lightning round. Do you think Saudi Arabia will follow the UAE and Bahrain in normalizing relations with Israel?

John Brennan: (31:45)
I think, ultimately, yes. It all depends on what happens I think, in this presidential election. Mohammed bin Salman, the crowned prince of Saudi Arabia, who basically controls the reigns of power in Saudi Arabia is very close to Donald Trump and Jared Kusher and I do think, that Joe Biden is going to take a different approach to Saudi Arabia, particularly to MBS, given MBS has responsibility for their horrific killing and dismemberment of Jamal Khashoggi.

Anthony Scaramucci: (32:12)
Okay. What is your opinion of the elections, sir based on your intelligence and your life experience? Is it possible to steal an election in the United States?

John Brennan: (32:25)
Steal, I do think that Joe Biden is going to have many more votes and more electoral votes as a result of the election in November 3rd. I do think that Donald Trump and his advisers are going to pursue legal challenges and try to bring it up to the Supreme Court. I do believe that his election is going to be more lopsided than maybe some people think and the lopsided nature of that, I think, will basically undercut their ability to present these legal challenges. But, I didn't think Donald Trump is going to be elected in 2016, I didn't follow domestic politics at that time. It shows that I didn't appreciate the extent to which Donald Trump was able to hoodwink so many Americans in the vote.

Anthony Scaramucci: (33:11)
The threat assessment, sir. It's a month after 9/11, of their 19th anniversary. Your threat assessment of domestic terror here in the United States from foreign adversaries or domestic adversaries for that matter. What's your threat assessment?

John Brennan: (33:30)
Well, I am very concerned about these homegrown groups of whether they be on the right or the left. I think, there is a real problem with white supremacists groups here in this country. The QAnons and others and I do know that there are a number of foreign actors that try to stoke those fires of violence and extremism here in the states. We also see it on the left as well and so, I think, the bureau, FBI has its work cut out for it to try to identify those foreign links as well as their sources of financing because a lot of these groups really do rely on the financing that may come on from abroad as well as from various domestic quarters.

Anthony Scaramucci: (34:09)
Just a question on QAnon, sir. I don't know if you've read the book, Active Measures by Thomas Rid. It was recommended to me by General McMaster. But when you read the book, it feels like QAnon is inspired by Active Measures. Is it a Russian intelligence movement? What do you think is going on with QAnon?

John Brennan: (34:29)
I don't think it was initiated or incubated by Russia. I do think, there are domestic players here who start this, but then foreign actors like Russia, specifically Russia, particularly since there are a lot of folks within the Russian establishment who had very right wing of sentiments themselves provided support and enabled the growth of QAnon. But, when I was in the government, they were enough spots within this country that were the source of right wing, extremist supremacist movements.

Anthony Scaramucci: (35:09)
Last question and then will turn it back to Robert. Is Afghanistan, in your knowledge of the region, is Afghanistan ever going to be what we would describe in the west a stable, democracy, less tribal and more integrated into the global community or is Afghanistan going to be what it has always been, just a very difficult spot in the world?

John Brennan: (35:38)
I'd like to think that we're going to see incremental progress in Afghanistan over the coming decade or two. But, anybody who has illusions that we're going to see western style democracy break out in Afghanistan, I think, are just deluded themselves. During the Arab spring when there is a lot of hope, including the Obama administration, that democracy was going to develop in a lot of these countries, democracy is not like a light switch. Here we are 240 or so, years after, our independence, we still are working on some of the democratic processes and foundations. So, I think Afghanistan is going to continue to go through some tough times, but I'd like to think that it's going be a lot of blocking and tackling and you're going to be grinding out, not yardage, but footage, I think, in the coming years.

Robert Wolf: (36:24)
Thank you. Just to go back to where we are today. If you were the director of the CIA during this COVID crisis, how would you think of it whether the importance of reopening the lack thereof or the need for protocols, the impact of security. How would you think of it and because right now, the way we think of it, there is no protocols which is why it opens and closes, the cases are higher today than they were Memorial Day, more deaths today than they were Memorial Day. It seems that the direction is getting worse, not better and then you have the White House, have their own super spreader.

John Brennan: (37:09)
Yeah. In fact, when I was at the White House as President Obama's assistant for Homeland Security, it was when we had the H1N1 pandemic in April and the rest of the 2009 year and it was quite a challenge and we had to go to school on trying to find out exactly what we needed to do first, how we needed to rely on the medical experts and data. But, one of the things that I really appreciated from President Obama was, he told us to rely on the medical experts, rely on the data, insure that data is going to be the foundation for policies and guidance that we give out, but also make sure that we're not confusing the public and that there needs to be coherence. One of the things that I really criticize in the administration for is the lack of coherence in its communications to the American public and how it undercuts the guidance from CDC and clearly, they want to put a positive spin on things.

John Brennan: (38:04)
When I was director of CIA, if we had some type of health crisis, I want to make sure that I understood exactly what the recommended guidelines were or how we should deal with this challenge, the medical challenge, what should be the protocols to point out, how we should rotate staff, distance and making sure that we're doing everything possible to minimize the impact of this virus, but there does seem to be a some chaos and confusion within the executive branch and this is when the American people look toward leadership. In the aftermath of 9/11, it didn't matter if you were Democrat or Republican, George Bush, when he stood on the embers of 9/11 of the attacks of the World Trade Center with the bull horn, he was speaking to all Americans rallied behind the Bush administration to get Al-Qaeda. The same thing should be happening now and unfortunately, all's has happened is bare divisions among ourselves and either with the medical community. So, I do think, coherence of approaching and communication is critically, critically important.

Robert Wolf: (39:07)
So, I'm going to play a little devil's advocate here, but it's not really made, so I'll explain it to you. There's this book, Three Seconds Until Midnight and actually, it was the Steve Bannon who recommend it to us, that some of us read it, but that's a different story, but it's written, it came out November of last year-

Anthony Scaramucci: (39:25)
And so, he read it anyway, John, I just want to make sure you know that [inaudible 00:39:29].

Robert Wolf: (39:30)
It's written by two epidemiologists and what they will say to those politicians and those agencies is that, after the AIDS epidemic took place, that CDC and NIH started starving the idea of viruses and how to look at viruses and that this was very much in our face that out of China with what Africa with rats and bats that these viruses would come, but instead we put all our money towards diabetes and cancer research and that we should have seen this coming because we were not prepared for it and this came out like, I said, less than a year ago. Do you feel that there's truth to that in a way or do you feel or not?

John Brennan: (40:21)
Well, I think that's the H1N1 pandemic in 2009 really gave us a lot of lessons about how to deal then with Ebola and other types of health challenges, medical challenges around the world. Have we done everything possible to prepare for the next medical challenge or pandemic? Probably not because it requires a lot of investment in terms of contingency planning and unfortunately, specially the way our government works and with election cycles, there is not that continuity I think, of effort that is required to deal with the multiple challenges that we face in the country and there are so many out there. So, you have terrorism, you have proliferation, you have Russia, you have [inaudible 00:41:08], you have China, you have pandemics, you have health issues, you have climate and one of the real challenges for any administration is the prioritization that you give to this issues and how you then allocate resources. But, clearly, I think, on the health front and when I think about and I know about some of the various initiatives around the globe on genetic engineering, other types of things in the biological front, it really worries me.

John Brennan: (41:32)
Because there is tremendous sophistication out there and tremendous opportunity for people to use the scientific knowledge for bad purposes. That's where I think, there needs to be again, an approach, a bipartisan, non-partisan approach to these issues, so that we don't allow the most recent shiny object to distract us from taking care of the multitude of issues and challenges that we face as a country. And again, going forward, I mentioned cyber in the digital realm, that wasn't an issue for us 50 years ago, now it is one of the most important issues. Climate change, what are we doing on a regular basis? Just like pandemics and viruses, what can we do now, so that when something like this occurs, we are better positioned to deal with it and I still think we have a lot of ways to go before we're better positioned as a nation to deal with these issues.

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:28)
Great. [crosstalk 00:42:29]

Robert Wolf: (42:29)
This is my last question. Do I have time for one more, Anthony or not?

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:32)
Yeah. Let's fit it in quickly because I want to keep him on time, but go ahead.

Robert Wolf: (42:35)
Yup. So, today one thing Anthony and I talked about and all our clients is that, systemic and equality is in our face. Health and equality, wealth and equality, education and equality, race and equality and we're seeing it every which way in the country today. How would you look at that from a national security perspective when literally every aspect of our life today is showing that this recovery is really a K-shaped recovery of the haves and have nots and it's literally separating more than we could ever imagine, just from security perspective.

John Brennan: (43:16)
Yeah. Well, that's not an easy question and it doesn't have a short answer to it. I think, you're absolutely right. In equality, across so many areas, wealth, income, opportunity, education, you name it. It's fueling a lot of these problems again, not just here in the United States, but also globally, both within countries as well as between countries and so, maybe what we're facing right now, with the COVID and the economic downturn and this recovery that is quite bifurcated as you pointed out, maybe it's going to bring it to stark relief. The challenges and the problems here that we need to try to course correct. Democracy and capitalism have served us well over the last two centuries and I am a firm advocate of both, but I do think we need to think through how democracy and capitalism are going to thrive in the 21st century, given the ecosystem that they operate within now and just because something might've worked a 100 years ago or 200 years ago, does not mean that it doesn't need some adaptation, so I do think the issue of inequality, especially inequality of opportunity is one of the most important issues that I do hope our government and other governments will address.

Robert Wolf: (44:25)
Thank you. Anthony?

Anthony Scaramucci: (44:27)
Well, Ambassador Brennan, thank you so much for joining us on SALT Talks. I hope we get you back after the election and have a little bit of a debriefing on where we think the world is going. For me personally, sir, I'm glad that you're not Pope Owen I. Okay, because something tells me, you would've been a really strict Orthodox Catholic pope. Okay, just getting that vibe from you and so, I'm enjoying you as our former CIA director. I just want to thank you so much for your service to the country and your amazing patriotism, sir. You're a true patriot and we're big fans of yours, sir. Thank you again.

John Brennan: (45:03)
Well, thank you, Anthony for the kind words and thank you for what you're doing today and this invitation. I really appreciate it. You take care [crosstalk 00:45:09]

Anthony Scaramucci: (45:09)
Good luck with the book. Let's hold the book up one more time. See, I usually do this, but I don't have a copy.

John Brennan: (45:14)
It's officially-

Anthony Scaramucci: (45:15)
There you go, Undaunted by John Brennan [crosstalk 00:45:18]

John Brennan: (45:17)
Officially released tomorrow. Yeah.

Robert Wolf: (45:19)
Great.

Anthony Scaramucci: (45:19)
Check your bookstores starting tomorrow, okay? Well, God bless you, sir. Best of luck with the book. All right, Robert and I and Joe will see you soon and that's it for SALT Talks.

Jeb Bush: The Current Discord in American Society | SALT Talks #66

“Policy has taken a back seat. Now you're rewarded for how angry you are or how you can understand people's legitimate angst, rather than saying, here are a set of policies that if we fix this, your anger will subside because your life will be better.”

Jeb Bush is the 43rd governor of the State of Florida, serving from 1999 through 2007. He was the third Republican elected to the state’s highest office and the first Republican in the state’s history to be reelected. He was most recently a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination in 2016. Governor Bush offers his views on the current discord in American society and where he sees paths forward.

With Baby Boomers aging, younger generations have taken the reins of American culture. There is an erosion of shared identity that has led to more conflict and antagonism among people and their politics. "It's bigger than the current occupant of the White House. I think it is a cultural phenomenon." Gen Z and millennials will likely spark a change akin to other major American movements like the civil rights movement and the 19th century's Second Great Awakening.

Governor Bush also laid out policy initiatives designed to address key drivers of inequality in the United States where we see the gap between ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ widening. Some of the biggest items include education policies focused on universal pre-K and equitably-funded schools, as well as universal broadband Internet, made only more important during the work-from-home period.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Governor Jeb Bush.jpeg

Jeb Bush

43rd Governor of the State of Florida

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the managing director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. SALT Talks are a digital interview series that we started during this work from home period with leading investors, creators, and thinkers. Really what we're trying to do during these SALT Talks is replicate the experience that we provided our global salt conference series, which our guest today has attended in the past, I believe in 2017. Welcome Governor Jeb Bush to salt talks. Governor Bush was the 43rd governor of the state of Florida serving from 1999 to 2007. He was the third Republican elected to the state's highest office and the first Republican in the state's history to be reelected, and he was also most recently a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination in 2016. During his two terms as governor, Governor Bush champion major reform of government in areas ranging from healthcare and environmental protection to civil service and tax reform.

John Darsie: (01:05)
Under Governor Bush's leadership, Florida established a bold accountability system in public schools and created the most ambitious school choice program in the nation. Governor Bush really presided over the economic boom that now defines the state of Florida. He's also known for his leadership during two unprecedented back-to-back hurricane seasons, which brought eight hurricanes and four tropical storms to the state of Florida in less than two years. Governor Bush previously served as a presidential professor of practice at the University of Pennsylvania. He also served as a visiting professor and fellow at Harvard University and executive professor at Texas A & M university. Has been awarded several honorary doctorates from collegiate institutions across the country. Governor Bush currently serves as the chairman of Finback Investment Partners LLC, as well as of Dock Square Capital, both merchant banks, which are headquartered in Coral Gables, Florida.

John Darsie: (02:00)
If you have any questions for Governor Bush during today's talk, a reminder that you can enter them in the Q and A box at the bottom of your video screen on Zoom. Hosting today's interview is Anthony Scaramucci, you might've heard of him. He's the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital. He's the chairman of SALT. He also helps support Governor Bush's nomination for president in 2016 before eventually joining the Trump campaign. Anthony, I'll turn it over to you for the interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:29)
Jeb, I don't know if you caught that, "You might've heard of him." Okay. That was the first shot at me to get the SALT off started. Okay. Just want to make sure you know that Jeb. You're in the middle of a crossfire. Okay.

John Darsie: (02:40)
I don't know if it's famous or infamous Governor, but people have heard of him.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:43)
Here he goes. Jeb, I miss you, man. I miss you. Those were good days back in 2016. So I want to go back, way back and we always ask this question about something we couldn't really find about you on Wikipedia or something that's been written about you, but just something about your life that you would like to share with us that we just wouldn't know. You have one of the more well covered families in the world for that matter. As an example, why did you go to the University of Texas? Many of your family members, went to... Your dad went to Yale after Phillips Andover Academy. Why did you decide to settle in South Florida versus staying in Texas? Tell us some of those things before we get started on some of the core policies stuff.

Governor Jeb Bush: (03:27)
Anthony is great being with you, and John. I look forward to the dialogue between you guys, but first of all, the Wikipedia thing is interesting. When I was running, I was at a rotary club in Manchester and this guy gets up and I went on Wikipedia to see if I had anything in common with our guest speaker. It turns out we do have two things in common. Like me, he's an avid rock climber and he just wanted to be a Hollywood movie star with his crew. So it turns out there's a game unemployed kids that have Cheetos stains on their t-shirts in the basement of their parents' home, play the game of how long you can keep something that's not a fact on someone's Wikipedia page and they play this game constantly and so that was somehow deleted later on. What my Wikipedia page probably doesn't say is that I fell in love with my wife now married for 47 years.

Governor Jeb Bush: (04:22)
I fell in love with her at first sight when I was 17 years old. I went down to Mexico as part of an exchange program when I was in high school and it changed my life. My life is BC before Columba, and AC after Columba. I didn't want to go to... I wanted to go back home, so I went to University of Texas because-

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:42)
Was she a Florida resident Jeb, or no?

Governor Jeb Bush: (04:45)
Mexico.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:45)
You met her in Mexico, right?

Governor Jeb Bush: (04:46)
I met her in Mexico.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:47)
So why did you guys settle in Florida?

Governor Jeb Bush: (04:49)
Well, first we got married in Austin, Texas, and we went to Venezuela. I worked for a bank. I was the youngest bank rep in Caracas, Venezuela. I was 25 at the time or 24, and when I came back home, I worked in my dad's campaign in 1980 and now Houston is one of the most diverse cities in the world, but back then it wasn't. My children did not speak English as their first language. They spoke Spanish and I felt more comfortable. I wanted to be out from my dad's shadow, which was a stupid idea. My dad's shadow didn't stop at the Houston city limits. I wanted to do my own, be my own man, of course, but I also wanted a place that was more welcoming for my multi cultural, bilingual family and so I picked Miami and I had a great partner and off I went.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:47)
Miami for that matter is blessed to have you, so was the state of Florida. As John mentioned, I think these are just important stats. You reduced taxes by $19 billion in the state of Florida. You veto $2 billion in spending and then while you were doing that, you simultaneously increase the reserves from $1.3 billion to $9.8 billion. You were known as the education governor, while you were doing all of that. So lay the groundwork for us about that time in your life, where you were executing policy that was actually enhancing the quality of life of people and take us to where we are today in terms of the body politic and how do we get back to that time?

Governor Jeb Bush: (06:28)
You know, there were a lot of governors doing bigger things back then in the 90s and the early 2000s, for sure. Politicians were rewarded for advocating bigger ideas and then executing on them. When I campaigned in 1998, I laid out what I wanted to do in vivid detail. It was very controversial at the time, but it gave me a mandate to do it and as part of it, I went to visit 250 schools as a candidate. I was all in, I mean and now, policy has taken a way back seat. It's the total back of the bus. Now you're rewarded for how angry you are or how you can understand people's legitimate angst and anger in this country today, rather than saying, here are a set of policies that if we fix this, your anger will subside because your life will be better. That change, is a cultural change. It was a very different when I was governor and we need to get back to it. Our democracy doesn't work, if it's all about yelling and screaming at each other.

Governor Jeb Bush: (07:31)
The debate was a good example of it, maybe... I mean, I don't know. It was heartbreaking. I couldn't watch the thing. It's so sad that we've gone so far away from the advocacy of ideas that can make a difference in people's lives.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:46)
Jeb, just more of a philosophical question for me, because I'm really trying to figure it out myself and I'm curious about your opinion. Is it a top down thing or a bottom up thing or a combination of the two? Would better leadership make the difference or would better policy or what's your sense of all that?

Governor Jeb Bush: (08:05)
I think a lot about this because I do think it's bigger than the current occupant of the White House. I think it is a cultural phenomenon. Two things are happening, our culture has changed, the baby boomer generation, which I'm a part of is kind of run its course. There is a new culture that is more vulgar, more hateful, I think. More antagonistic, less caring about our fellow man and then there's a lack of a shared identity that is... The shared identity that really is the glue that keeps America going, has eroded. The combination of those two things I think, create the political environment, not the other way around. Politics is a reflection of our culture, but it isn't a leading indicator of our culture. I think there's a cultural shift that's going to happen and it's going to happen now we're in the midst of it.

Governor Jeb Bush: (08:59)
Hopefully it'll be more unifying, more caring, more loving. I think gen Z and millennials will lead the way. They're much maligned, particularly by people my age. I don't think we got a whole lot to be bragging about, to be honest with you, I don't know why we're out there saying how bad the next generations are, we've we screwed it up and now we have the politics we have. The good news Anthony is, in my mind at least, culture isn't linear it doesn't... We're not going to march off a cliff. There'll be a spark as there has been in the 60s, and there was in the 19th century with the second grade awakening that created the beginnings of the prohibition movement, the abolition movement, the women's suffrage movement, the progressive era of the early 20th century all started in the 1830s.

Governor Jeb Bush: (09:49)
It was a religious revival that did that and it was a unifying thing for the country. We'll have something and well it may not be a religious revival, but we'll have something that I think will alter our course for the better.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:00)
I just want to ask another question on this topic, because I think you very insightful. Your dad's generation, Bob Dole's generation, they all went to war. There was 40-ish percent of the country that was either tied to a serviceman. They were either, the service men and women, they were either in the war or they were tied to it. I mean, my grandparents had two children in the war. My uncle Anthony, who I'm named after was on Normandy beach. He survived it, thank God, but they then come home and they feel that connectivity, whether they're in North Dakota, Florida, Texas, or New York, they were tied to each other and there was espirit de corps there. There was a to use an old word, a forgotten word, noblesse oblige.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:47)
Growing up where I did, I don't even know how to pronounce the goddamn word, but you get the point that I'm making. Do you think that we've lost that national community? Do you think there's a way to get people to do that again, it doesn't necessarily have to be, go into the military, but is there some kind of unifying thing that we should be thinking about that helps us re-establish that national identity again?

Governor Jeb Bush: (11:09)
Yeah. It's a great question. The greatest generation certainly had that and that has eroded. The shared identity that defines what it is to be an American has eroded. I don't think there's one thing that we can do. I think there's a multitude of things we have to do. One is to restore civics education in our schools. You don't know your past, it's kind of hard to know the present or what the future looks like. Two, in the political world, I think we need to support the candidates that are trying to find a common ground to solve problems rather than make a point. They have to be rewarded. You can't just punish, you can't defeat people that are focused on the shared identity. Three, I think it's really important to recognize that there are two Americas and it's based on, not based on race as much as it's based on class.

Governor Jeb Bush: (12:08)
If you look at the book, the Charles Murray's book Coming Apart, it's just breathtaking the changes that have taken place in the last 30 years. The halves, those that have intact families, those that are college educated, those that have higher incomes are living the best life ever in American history, but there are a whole lot of people that are being left behind right now and the acceleration of technology into our lives is creating massive disruption. Not all of it wonderful. Not all of it at all. We have to focus on that as well. The people that are doing well need to recognize and get to know the people that aren't.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:47)
Well, I mean, this is something that it was one of the key hallmarks of your success as governor was re-engineering the educational system in the state of Florida and obviously we both agree on this, that we need to even the playing field, K through 12, because if you grow up in a certain zip code or a certain neighborhood, you're getting a better public school education than others. Is there a chance we can do that Jeb? Is there a chance to have that national movement or is that has to be done at a local level? What's your opinion of where education is K through 12 right now? What would be some suggestions if a governor called you or a president or somebody said, okay, we got to fix this. What would you do?

Governor Jeb Bush: (13:29)
I'm the chairman of the Foundation for Excellence in Education, and that's what we do. We work in 40 States. It is a state policy drives education. It's executed at a local level, but it should be a national priority. Doesn't have to be a federal government priority, just a national priority to recognize that if we're concerned about these big gaps that exist in America today that are creating all sorts of friction, cultural, and political and economic friction, then we better make sure every child has the capacity to achieve earned success and not perpetuate this two Americas that is now becoming evident for everybody. The things that we should do is to have, I think, a command focus on pre-K to three, so that every child is functionally literate by the end of third grade, because that's when you start reading to learn in fourth grade, you're learning how to read until third grade.

Governor Jeb Bush: (14:33)
Ending social promotion, putting a real emphasis, particularly on low income families, being able to access a universal pre-K with a command focus on reading is really important. That would be step number one. Step number two is there should be equity and funding. Some States have it, many States don't. There should be access to high quality schools and they should be funded equitably. Then third, I think there needs to be a recognition that college should not be necessarily the aspiration for everybody. The focus ought to be on college and or career readiness for high school. We did those things and made it a real commitment and parents would be given more choices, particularly low income families. I think we can resolve this.

Governor Jeb Bush: (15:21)
The idea that somehow we are systemically incapable of allowing people to rise up that the challenges are just impossible, it's so self-defeating, it's so dangerous. I think we have to kick that out of our discussions. The left seems to be obsessed with this, that life's not fair, therefore we can't do anything about it and that is dangerously pessimistic.

Anthony Scaramucci: (15:53)
Oh, and I agree. I think that the... You and I are obviously Republicans, I guess I'm not really even sure what that means anymore. We'd have to have that, that would be a five-hour conversation with us, not a SALT Talk, what it means to be a Republican at this point, but we have to have a platform of equal opportunity for people. I'm all for unequal outcomes, pursuant to people's dreams and ability to risk take and invest in capital allocate, but we got to help people get to the starting gate, roughly in the same lane, if you will, or the same starting block. You were obviously amazing at doing that in Florida. Let's turn it now to the pandemic.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:33)
Now we have this pandemic Jeb, that is exacerbating this issue. Some of the richer people are getting even richer. Some of the poor people are getting poorer. A lot of economists are calling this a K-shaped recovery, where some are going this way and the other part of the country is going that way. Do you think we're in a K-shape recovery? If we are, how is that going to affect your ability to invest? How is it going to affect your ability to think about public policy?

Governor Jeb Bush: (17:02)
I don't know where we're going to end up, the letter is work in progress. So it's part of the alphabet for sure, but I don't know how we... It could be a W, it could be a K, who knows. I think what we do know is that whatever the trends were prior to the pandemic, this massive disruption has only accelerated them. So the trends of unequal... Just the fact that high-income people have been doing better because of federal reserve policies and many other things, and low-income people while they were doing better prior to the pandemic, the gaps were growing. So yes, I think there's going to be post pandemic, there's going to be serious issues about who we are as a society.

Governor Jeb Bush: (17:48)
I think there's solutions to this, if we recognize this to start with, but it's a serious problem. From an investment point of view, I see the trends, I see a couple of things happening that are important. We've been investing in how do you deal with frail elders in the proper way? The pandemic made it clear that institutional care, while it may be appropriate for some, isn't inappropriate for a whole lot of families. We need to find a way to provide support, particularly for low income frail elders in their home or in their community. I think there's going to be a big trend towards supporting companies that are doing just that and do it at a lower cost with better outcomes than the nursing homes. I think there's going to be a focus on the home in general.

Governor Jeb Bush: (18:41)
People are going to work at home. People are going to learn at home. People are going to use health technologies to prevent illness at home. That's another trend I think, in our society where there's good investing opportunities. Then finally I'd say that digital infrastructure, which is becoming the new interstate highway system, there needs to be massive investment there because with 5G coming, there's just all sorts of billions and billions of dollars will be invested in the digital infrastructure space and right now, if you want to look at inequities, if you live in the rural areas, very few people have access to broadband. If you are poor, you don't have access to devices and so if there's going to be another stimulus cares package, I think there should be a massive commitment to building out the digital highway, the digital infrastructure so that we can create a quality of opportunity in that regard as well, because the home is going to be a place where people do business.

Governor Jeb Bush: (19:47)
When Google says they're not going to reopen their campus for another year and a half, and these kids maybe they go back home, maybe they go back to Nebraska or maybe they go back to Indiana and they can't access broadband from their homes, even if they would want to live back there with a higher quality of life, that's wrong. There's ways to solve this with philanthropy, with government, with business, making strategic investments to deal with it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:15)
Before I turn it over to John, because we've got a ton of questions coming in from the audience, I just have two more questions. I want to take you to your current business, where you're now the founding managing partner of Dock Square Capital, middle market private equity investment. You just mentioned the stuff that you're doing in elderly care. Tell us a little bit about your business. Tell us what excites you in the morning in terms of what you're doing and where do you see the future of your business?

Governor Jeb Bush: (20:41)
We're a merchant bank. We do two things, we have partnership arrangements where we earn up into people's businesses by helping them grow. For example, Ag America is the largest non-bank lender in the Ag space. They'll do $1 billion worth of loans this year. We're significant partners in that, we're partners in a credit fund. That's part of our business. We're working with Investcorp to do a GP staking business. To invest in private equity firms, which is very exciting. The second part of our business is we co-invest alongside private equity firms where we open up our network to help accelerate the growth of the businesses. We've done eight of those in the last four years, we've invested roughly $240 million in separate SPVs.

Governor Jeb Bush: (21:33)
We use our relationships to help accelerate the sales and market opportunities of these businesses. Thank goodness, all of them in the pandemic year, have done well and that's just pure luck because we weren't in retail or other things that have just been devastated. They're thriving in this business and what I've learned is, if you're investing, leadership really matters in business and in public life. We're blessed to have CEOs of these businesses that are phenomenal and rose to the challenge. A lot of people cower in the corner, in the fetal position when a crisis like the pandemic hit and the real leaders step up.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:11)
Stop talking about my colleague, John Dorsey, Governor. You can't can't do that. I mean, there's just too many people on the call. You're embarrassing the poor kid when you talk about the fetal position.

Governor Jeb Bush: (22:22)
I'm glad he stopped sucking his thumb and came out from the corner. So yeah, I mean, this is a great time to be in business in many ways because people rise to the challenge. What I'm finding is that our investors seem to be more focused on social impact now too. Whereas that trend may have accelerated in the COVID era as well. People want to make money, they want to make a difference too. They're seeing the challenges our country is facing and they want their investment to be purposeful as well.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:59)
Jeb, my last question then John, I'm going to turn it over to John. I want you to, because you're a very thoughtful guy, your policy walk, you're an entrepreneur, obviously a professor. I want you to imagine the best of America and where America could be in 10 years. If we start thinking about the better angels of our personalities and the better angels of our experience as Americans and the greatness of our natural resources and et cetera. Tell us a vision of America that you think we could have, if we start to go in that more unifying direction?

Governor Jeb Bush: (23:34)
You know, during this really depressing time where our politics... We're in a serious economic hardships for millions of Americans. We have a pandemic that's scaring everybody. Our public leaders, haven't been able to rise to the occasion like you would want in a crisis like this. All of this is going around and it's depressing, but I think it was in April. I don't remember exactly when it was, my vision of what America is and can be, is watching SpaceX go to the space station.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:09)
Sure. Over Memorial Day weekend, right?

Governor Jeb Bush: (24:12)
Unbelievable. Really cool outfits, very 21st century space suits. Elegant design, flawless execution, done at a low cost with massive innovation. To me, Elon Musk is what the inspiring future for our country and we need more of them. We need to embrace entrepreneurial capitalism and risk-taking and focus on the positive aspects of how that creates more opportunity for more people than any government program ever created. We've got to get back to our roots and then we need to make sure that everybody has the capacity to rise up and not say the life circumstances make it impossible. If there are problems, fix them for crying out loud. Stop all of this, them and us, and start focusing on we. Look, I'm confident that, that's going to happen.

Governor Jeb Bush: (25:06)
I hope it accelerates after the 2020 election. I'm not smart enough to know what form this will take. It may not even be political. It might just be all of us kind of saying enough of this, we're going to begin to solve this at the local level. America's a bottom-up country. Maybe we start solving these problems and coming together community by community, and then the world... Washington changes because we've changed. That's my hope and I think there's enough goodness in America and there's certainly enough entrepreneurship in America to imagine a really bright future.

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:40)
Well, I appreciate all that. I appreciate that sentiment and I pray for that outcome Governor. I'm going to turn it over to John. We got a ton of people here that want to ask you questions.

Governor Jeb Bush: (25:51)
Okay.

John Darsie: (25:51)
Yeah. It's interesting that you brought up SpaceX because it was one of my follow-up questions I was going to ask is that not only is SpaceX taking people to the International Space Station and going into space, they're also launching thousands of satellites into space to build and basically blanket the earth in broadband. Lockheed Martin had a similar program that they shut down in 2001 because they didn't see a viable financial future for it, but what types of things can we do and what type of things are you doing in your business to create that digital highway infrastructure that you mentioned? Starlink from SpaceX as one example, first responders in Washington have been using it to get broadband in remote areas as they try to fight these fires, but what are initiatives that you're either investing in or that you've seen or observed that you think are particularly promising that we should put resources into?

Governor Jeb Bush: (26:41)
We've invested in the largest privately owned cell tower company in the United States called Vertical Bridge, that's expanding dramatically. A very efficient business. The amount of infrastructure necessary for 5G is exponentially more than what we have now and so small sales sites, as well as the traditional towers are going to be in high demand, irrespective of what SpaceX is doing with satellites, there's a need for all of that. I think there's a role for the federal government to, as Eisenhower did with the interstate highway system, to deal with the places where it is not economic. Particularly the rural areas where there's a need for major investment. This can be done in partnership. This can be done with private investing. It could be done in all sorts of ways with the government support.

Governor Jeb Bush: (27:37)
There's lots of philanthropy that's interested in this as well because of the education challenges. It is shameful that we have something like 20 million kids that can't access learning because they don't have either a device or they can't afford access to broadband. Hopefully, when we get to the point where there a consensus on how to provide support for people when they're hurting that this will be an integral part of it. I've been talking to lots of people around the country about this, and there seems to be a consensus that it's important to do it and accelerate it.

John Darsie: (28:12)
We're presenting this Q and A in partnership with strategic worldviews, Jeb, you might've met our partner, Robert Wolf at a recent SALT conference. Robert was an economic advisor under President Obama. He's a contributor to the Fox Business Network and he's hopped on, he's going to ask a couple questions. Robert, you want to introduce yourself to the audience [crosstalk 00:28:29]

Governor Jeb Bush: (28:28)
Hey, Robert. How you doing buddy?

Robert Wolf: (28:30)
Jeb, good to see you.

Governor Jeb Bush: (28:31)
Good to see you too.

Robert Wolf: (28:32)
God, even this Dem will say, boy, do we miss you?

Governor Jeb Bush: (28:38)
I like it. Your Room Rater, you got about a 9.2.

Robert Wolf: (28:42)
You know, because I'm on Fox, they don't even root rate us.

Governor Jeb Bush: (28:48)
You've noticed that there's bias even on Room Rater.

Robert Wolf: (28:51)
I'm telling you. It's unbelievable. [crosstalk 00:28:54]

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:54)
I'm very happy to tell everybody I got a nine out of 10. For some reason I was at a one over a Scaramucci, which was like 111, but then something magical happened and I'm now nine out of 10.

John Darsie: (29:05)
You've repented, that's why.

Governor Jeb Bush: (29:06)
That's because of your opinion on Donald Trump.

Robert Wolf: (29:09)
It's amazing, we always bring it right back to Anthony. I have two questions, one political and one putting your governor hat on. On the political one, it's just more of a question that I think a lot of us Dems, this Lincoln project has exploded where former Republican advisors are getting together and forming their own, we need to take our party back. The first way to do it is literally help Joe Biden win. I mean, theoretically, that's their first move and then that is, I guess, the transitional phase to go back to what would be deemed a conservative party again. That seems to be sane. One question is why aren't people like yourself and other former politicians, not like Lincoln project where it's more on the public relations advertising side, but why aren't some of the more sane, smart, intelligent ones coming together like military has or economists have to kind of say, hey, listen, this is not the right direction, how do we take it back? So that's one question I'm just curious why people and thought leaders like you and the GOP aren't kind of taking our party back. [crosstalk 00:30:31]

Governor Jeb Bush: (30:32)
There are a lot of people doing that. I'm at the stage of my life where I've taken a step back from politics. I'm disgusted by what's going on in Washington. It's heartbreaking to see, but I've got a business. In fact, a lot of our investors ask, are you going to get back in the fray because they don't want me to... I'm running a business that requires my attention and I have a fiduciary responsibility to make sure that our investors do well. I call out the ugliness when I see it. I don't have to do it... I mean, I haven't been drawn into the thing like Anthony is doing. It's just because it's not helpful to get into that situation. Now, the question about the Lincoln Project, it' interesting.

Governor Jeb Bush: (31:26)
I think their ads are great. I don't like the fact that they feel compelled to take out all Republican senators along the way. I think we could be in a very dangerous situation if in the fact that vice-president Biden is not capable of saying, I can't tell you what I'm going to do as it relates to stacking the court. I mean, the simple answer would have been no. We're not going to do that, but he hasn't been able to give a yes or no answer on that. That's kind of disturbing. Eliminating the filibuster rule across the board could create some real problems. I'm a conservative, I believe in limited government. My party has abandoned those principles temporarily, but I can't embrace the idea of just massive power being shifted to Washington D.C. so I'm conflicted.

Robert Wolf: (32:19)
I would respond, but you're the VIP and people don't really care to hear me, so I'm going to. My second question is more I'm asking-

Governor Jeb Bush: (32:25)
I hope, whatever you were going to say, I hope you're right. I hope that you were going to say that Biden's not that kind of person, that he'd be able to withstand the pressures of the progressive wing of your party and he'll be back to trying to find consensus. That's my prayer.

Robert Wolf: (32:39)
I think he'd be the best unifier for our country without question. The difference is going to be more sad.

Governor Jeb Bush: (32:46)
From your lips to God's ears, brother.

Robert Wolf: (32:48)
Now Florida, so Anthony and I and John and [inaudible 00:32:52] we've recently had on both Ron Klain and Tom Bossert to really... We've actually had them on three times collectively to talk about COVID and everything that they said away from the PPE and the masks, I'm not talking to the healthcare side, but on the economic side, this is where I think Joe Biden's been right to get a real recovery it's predicated on reopening and getting our arms around COVID and the pandemic. We all are seeing every day what's happening in Florida. Where the current governor is reopening the state completely with many of us look at without any real protocol and actually we see a lot of the mayors just really disagree. We know that the numbers are going, the cases are going up and up and Florida. How do you see the right balance between the pandemic and reopen and getting the economy back, which is really the $1 million question that we all need to know and no one has solved for.

Governor Jeb Bush: (34:00)
It's been disappointing that this has become part of the hyper partisan, hyper political kind of environment. The president hasn't been able to do what you want a president to do in a crisis, which is to lay out the facts, show some empathy for the plight of a whole lot of people that are stuck in their homes and lost their jobs. Give people a sense that helps on the way, give people hope and constantly communicate where we are. In the absence of that, there's a lot of confusion. For example, Florida's infection rates are actually per a hundred thousand are now in, they're like at 11, which is nearing where New York. New York's bumped up to about five. The States with the biggest problems right now are in North Dakota, Iowa, they're all in the upper Midwest for whatever reason.

Governor Jeb Bush: (34:55)
I think the bias ought to be to take action, to open, to have schools open, but have a policy that you're constantly adjusting based on the conditions on the ground. If there's an acceleration of an outbreak, you... I mean, Florida's a big state, so Miami is very different than Jacksonville and if there's nothing going on in Jacksonville, we need to open up the economy. Think of all the people that can't get a job because they're stuck at home. Think of the amount of drug abuse, child abuse, domestic violence has increased during the pandemic. Now for some, in my life, I'm the healthiest I've ever been. I get to spend the night with the love of my life. I haven't traveled. Haven't left 33134 zip code and for a lot of people like me, this is the most productive time that we've been in, but there are tremendous number of people that have to get back to work.

Governor Jeb Bush: (35:51)
So taking all the social cost into consideration and explaining why it's important to open up and de-politicizing it, I think is important. Ultimately the answer to this is that we need a vaccine. I mean, this isn't going to go away. I think up North, there's going to be bigger outbreaks as people have to stay at home, right? Stay inside because of weather. We need a vaccine. Once again, there needs to be clarity about its effectiveness and how it's going to be distributed. There should be discussions about that constantly so that people have confidence that a vaccine is going to work. How's your business?

John Darsie: (36:39)
Robert, I think you're muted.

Robert Wolf: (36:44)
Jeb, business is going well.

John Darsie: (36:44)
There you go.

Robert Wolf: (36:44)
We'll take that off at another time, but we're kind of doing what you are doing, but it seems like you're doing that or bigger scale, but we're hanging in there. Thank you.

John Darsie: (36:53)
Governor, I want to talk about agriculture. You mentioned that Ag America, which you're involved in is one of the biggest non-bank lenders to the agriculture space. Obviously a lot of farmers have suffered as a result of the trade wars that we've found ourselves in and other factors as well, but what's the future of American agriculture and how do we get it back on track?

Governor Jeb Bush: (37:12)
Well, the future of American agriculture is full of technology, full of innovation, full of increased productivity. We've led the world consistently, and I think we'll continue to do so. I also think that the rural parts of the United States are going to be... Are going to have a renaissance. People are beginning to realize that densely populated urban areas with all sorts of challenges, crumbling infrastructure, increases in crime that have taken place may not be the best place to raise a family and so I think what will support agriculture is that there'll be in this vast country, you'll start seeing people moving to smaller towns and smaller cities and that'll support agriculture as well. The Trump administration has provided massive support, direct support to agriculture, which I don't even know if the money has been appropriate or it's just by executive order it's going out.

Governor Jeb Bush: (38:17)
That can't be sustained over the long haul. I mean, there has to be markets around the world that we regain. The Chinese, if they fulfill their commitment, that in and of itself will sustain major parts of Florida, the US agriculture. The protein increase in Asia by itself will create longterm stability. I'm pretty optimistic, but what we found is that land prices and in the agriculture areas across the country, haven't gone down. Farm income has, but it's been supplanted by government support.

John Darsie: (38:59)
We have a question that came in from a great friend of SALT, Steve Case who's the former founder and CEO of AOL. He now has a fund called Rise of the Rest that hits on some of the themes that you just mentioned. They're investing in secondary US cities outside of Silicon Valley, outside of New York. They're investing a lot in places like Florida. As governor of Florida, you help diversify that economy and you help turn into a startup state that's still perpetuated today as well. What were the key lessons that other States should consider, so the country as a whole can create more jobs and create more entrepreneurship and those sort of forgotten places where quality of life isn't rising quite as fast as in other primary US cities?

Governor Jeb Bush: (39:41)
Well, Steve could answer that question better than I for sure, because he's investing exactly in the kind of communities that have the potential to rise up and I admire him greatly for doing it and I hope he's making money along the way so it's sustainable. I think he will. Look, the first objective for any state or any community is to make sure that every person has the building blocks to be able to pursue their dreams. Not everybody's going to be an entrepreneur, but if you at an early age, you'd learn how to read, and then there's rigorous learning along the way, you have options that otherwise you won't have. First and foremost, in every corner of our country, there should be a command focus on raising the bar as it relates to education outcomes.

Governor Jeb Bush: (40:33)
Those are the places where you're going to find the talent to be able to create the startup economy. Secondly, I think it's going to become clearer and clearer that along with talent, you can't make it impossible for people to get the first rung of the ladder. Silicon Valley is a phenomenal place for the creation of businesses, but if you're a 25 year old kid, you may not ever be able to buy a home. The costs are so extraordinary and so I think business climate issues are really important as well and making life affordable for the next generation is hugely important. Florida's done a pretty good job on that. We have work to do as it relates to our K-12 education system.

Governor Jeb Bush: (41:24)
Our colleges, I think, are doing a very good job of affordability. There's room to go. Everybody can do better for sure, but I'm proud of the fact that our business climate is as good as any in the country.

John Darsie: (41:39)
I know you're focused largely on investing in the United States, but we have a question from, I think one of our members who's outside of the United States. Your brother certainly didn't believe when he was president in isolationism. He believed in going and helping solve issues related to disease in places like Africa, he believed in trying to spread American values around the world. As a country, how should we be looking at our neighbors in Latin America? Your wife, you met her in Mexico, she's Mexican American. You studied Latin American studies in college. How should we be thinking about Mexico and Latin America in general, how we can either from a public, government perspective, invest capital in those places to improve outcomes, to help address some immigration issues and asylum issues, how should we be thinking about that?

Governor Jeb Bush: (42:27)
Well, living in Miami where 60% of the three plus million residents were born outside the United States, most of whom were from Latin America or the Caribbean. In effect, we live in Latin America in many ways. I think the first step is to say Latin America is not the backyard, it's the front yard. That it's not a place exclusively, where there are problems and that we build a wall to keep them out, it's a place where there's huge opportunities economically for our businesses and opportunities for us. If you think about how the world is changing, one of the biggest change could be the de-linking of China and the United States, not just technology, but supply chain issues. Certainly politically that de-linking is happening. There's a broad consensus left and right, that we need to change our relationship with China.

Governor Jeb Bush: (43:26)
China is not waiting for us to figure that out, they're doing the exact same thing on their side. So re-shoring a lot of manufacturing will be a huge opportunity, and Mexico is poised to take full advantage of that. The United States should embrace that. We should have a North American strategy as it relates to energy, as it relates to all sorts of industries in our front yard, but administration after administration has kind of... Basically it's been benign neglect and it's too bad because it's South of our border and to the East of us is 600 million people with big opportunities to grow where the United States could play a constructive role in dealing with some of the social challenges, but also view it as a huge economic opportunity.

John Darsie: (44:21)
Governor Bush, thanks so much for joining us. I'm going to leave the last word to Robert and Anthony, if they have any parting words or thoughts for you.

Anthony Scaramucci: (44:29)
Jeb, in your honor, look what I got. I got the Key West mile, zero cup. I'm drinking my coffee from this morning. God bless you and the state of Florida. You're an amazing guy. I miss you Jeb. I hope I get a chance to see you soon.

Governor Jeb Bush: (44:42)
Yeah, let's go have a dinner somewhere where they allow us to do it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (44:47)
Yep. Well, I mean, we're going to go back to Rao's because I know you love that place. Jeb. I know you love the stories that are told up in Rao's. So I'm going to bring you back there, Jeb. I promise.

Governor Jeb Bush: (45:00)
All right.

Robert Wolf: (45:01)
We've chatted about it, but for the people who don't know this, and it's one of my most famous pieces of memorabilia, but your dad, when he handed Babe Ruth the book at Yale of his autobiography. 1947 or 48, when your dad, Papi was the captain of the Yale team, I have that signed by your dad and I think that is one of the best, maybe the best ever intersection of politics and sports. I remember you and I have talked about it. I think it's over your dad's fireplace at the museum. It's one of the great pictures and whoever has not seen that, it's worth looking up, but Jeb maybe end on, everyone loves the Babe and everyone loves your dad.

Governor Jeb Bush: (45:54)
Yeah, exactly. This was after he served in the military, went back to Yale, they had little George W. he was born in New Haven. The most Texan of my siblings was Connecticut Yankee. Babe Ruth was very frail, kind of on his last years. It was an amazing picture, who would've known. You're right, my dad was captain of the baseball team, by the way, they got to the finals, the NCAA finals two years running when he was captain. They lost to USC one year and I think University of Oregon or something, another West Coast school. Yale was a baseball powerhouse under the leadership of George H. W. Bush.

John Darsie: (46:40)
Fantastic.

Robert Wolf: (46:41)
As always, thank you.

Governor Jeb Bush: (46:42)
You bet. Thanks, Robert.

Anthony Scaramucci: (46:43)
God bless you Jeb, Okay. We'll see you soon.

Governor Jeb Bush: (46:45)
Yeah. Thanks guys.

Stuart Stevens: “It Was All a Lie: How the Republican Party Became Donald Trump" | SALT Talks #64

“You can really trace in the post-World war II [Republican] party into two factions, it was sort of an Eisenhower governing boring, but sane faction, and then Joe McCarthy.”

Stuart Stevens is the author of seven previous books, and his work has appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, Esquire, and Outside, among other publications. He has written extensively for television shows, including Northern Exposure, Commander in Chief, and K Street. For twenty-five years, he was the lead strategist and media consultant for some of the nation's toughest political campaigns. He attended Colorado College; Pembroke College, Oxford; Middlebury College; and UCLA film school. He is a former fellow of the American Film Institute.

Donald Trump’s political rise seemed like an impossibility. After his improbable primary and general election wins, surely Trump was not a true Republican. That illusion quickly vanished as the party fell in line and offered their unwavering loyalty. “The Republican Party is the party that endorsed Roy Moore and attacks John Bolton. So I started asking myself like, ‘How did this happen?’"

After decades of winning on the major issues that defined the Republican party platform, George W. Bush was tasked with defining what it meant to be a Republican in the modern era. Bush introduced the idea of compassionate conservatism. Speeches like the one given at the 2000 Republican National Covention are unrecognizable compared to today’s Republican messaging. “One of the conclusions I came to, which seems sort of obvious is that leaders really matter.”

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Stuart Stevens.jpeg

Stuart Stevens

Author

It Was All a Lie

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the managing director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. SALT Talks are a digital interview series that we started during the work from home period to replicate the experience that we provide at our global conference series, the SALT Conference. And really what we're trying to do is to provide a window into the minds of subject matter experts for our audience, as well as provide a platform for leading investors, creators, and thinkers, to talk about some ideas that we think are really shaping the future.

John Darsie: (00:41)
And our guest today is someone who has had a big part in shaping the future of the Republican Party for the last 30 years, and the picture that he now paints or the party is a fairly dire picture. And That guest today is Stuart Stevens. Stuart is the author of Seven Books, and his work has appeared in the New York Times, The Washington Post, Esquire and Outside among many other publications. He has written extensively for several television shows, including Northern exposure, commander and chief in K Street. For 25 years, he was the lead strategist and media consultant for some of the nation's toughest political campaigns. He attended Colorado College, Pembroke College in Oxford, Middlebury College and UCLA Film School. And he's a former fellow of the American Film Institute. He's also a member of the Lincoln Project, a group of Republicans who have been involved in the party for many years, who have decided to work to elect Joe Biden in this election as a result of what they view as some flaws within our current president, president Trump. Just a reminder, if you have any questions for Stuart during today's SALT Talk, you can enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen.

John Darsie: (01:52)
And in addition, Stuart is out with a recent book called It Was All a Lie that recapped some of what I just spoke about, some of his concerns about the future of the Republican Party. So we're very excited to talk about that book as well. And I think Anthony has it in front of him. And conducting today's interview is Anthony Scaramucci, who's the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital, a global alternative investment firm. He's also had a few stints in politics as well. He's also the chairman of SALT. And with that, I'll turn it over to Anthony for the interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:22)
Stuart looking at, I'm holding up the book, see that Stuart? I've got the pages dog-eared, it is great to have you on.

Stuart Stevens: (02:30)
You'll get a note from my mom, thanks.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:32)
And you're beaming in from where I actually met you. I don't know if you would remember this, but you're in Park City, and I met you in 2012 at that big Romney Conclave. And then ultimately we continued on with governor Romney doing that every year. And that was an interesting time, obviously, because that was June of 2012, as we were heading into the Republican convention. And eight years has made a big difference in Republican Party politics stewards. Before we go to the book, I want you to tell us a little bit about what it was like to grow up in Jackson, Mississippi, and how you got your career arc headed towards politics?

Stuart Stevens: (03:11)
Yeah. You know Anthony, I grew up in the bad old days in Mississippi, kind of the Mississippi Burning Days. The big question that people would ask is, "Are you good on race or bad on race?" And my parents were kind of classic political moderates, but they were good on race. And they were involved in trying to support civil rights efforts. There was a guy named William Winter, who ran for governor in 1967 and he had gone to Holmes with my parents, actually dated my mom for a while, which is still a source of some amusement. And he was running against the last avowed segregationist then John Bell Williams. And my parents were involved in that campaign. And I got involved in the way you do when you're like out of a 13 years old, I walked precincts, I did those things.

Stuart Stevens: (04:04)
And it was a very dramatic campaign, Winter was getting a lot of death threats because he was against segregation. And I just found it incredibly compelling. And I thought, "If this is politics, what else could be more interesting?" At the time, pretty much everybody in Mississippi were Democrats. And the dominant political figures were Jim Eastland, Big Jim Eastland as he was called the Senator and John Stennis, both for segregationist. John Stennis was more genteel version of segregationist, but he was a segregationist. I got involved, I was a young sort of classic Rotarian type do good Republican lawyer who ran for Congress in his early thirties named Ted Cochran. And he ran as an alternative to that segregationist establishment. And I worked in his campaign. So I was actually a page in his office when I was in high school. And that's really how I ended up being a Republican. At the time we didn't really know what Republicans were, but we didn't want to be like Stennis and Eastland, unless you wanted to be a judge in like Yalobusha County or something. So that's the path I started on and I just continued it until recently.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:25)
So this book is extraordinary. I'm a lifelong Republican. I became a Republican in 1982. My dad was in the union, actually David Axelrod got this right. He said to me, "Well your dad was a laborer Nassau County." I said, "Yes." So Joe Margiotta controlled that union. I don't know if you remember Joe Margiotta.

Stuart Stevens: (05:45)
I remember Joe Margiotta very well.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:48)
And so when I went to the post office, I turned to my pops, I said, "Am I Democrat or Republican?" He says, "Oh no, you're a Republican." So there I was a Republican, I filled out the voter card. And then I learned about Ronald Reagan and obviously fell in love with him and I've been a lifelong Republican. But you write a book about the Republican Party, and it's not really about Donald Trump, which I found interesting about the book. It is more about the system that percolated to create Donald Trump. And I was wondering if you could take us through that, that synthesize that for us, if you don't mind.

Stuart Stevens: (06:22)
Yeah. Anthony, in 2016, a lot of people were wrong about Donald Trump, but it's hard to find anybody who was more wrong than me. I didn't think he'd win the primary. I famously said he wouldn't win a primary. I kind of said that to be provocative but I did think he wouldn't win the nomination. And I didn't think he'd win the general election. Ad after he won, I went through a period, like a lot of my friends, and kind of the side of the party I was on, saying Donald Trump's not really a Republican. And I don't really know how to sustain that. I mean, he's head of the Republican Party. The Republican Party is the party that endorsed Roy Moore and attacks John Bolton. So I started asking myself like, "How did this happen?" And really this book began is just a personal exploration of that, and that old high school English teacher way that if you can't write something, you don't understand it.

Stuart Stevens: (07:11)
So that's why I started on this path that led to the book. It really didn't begin as a book project. It began more sort of a personal reflection. And it was fascinating because when you look at the history of the Republican Party, and one of the great things about writing this book was getting a chance to sort of have a good excuse to read a lot of books about the Republican Party. And it's not an obscure subject and this tremendous work that's been done. But you can really trace in the post-World war II party to two factions, it was sort of an Eisenhower governing boring, but same faction, and then Joe McCarthy. And those trends really continued. And I was very involved in Governor Bush's campaign for president, I moved down to Austin in April of '99.

Stuart Stevens: (07:57)
And at the time, you could say that conservatism and Republicans are sort of a victim of our own success. The Cold War was over and I guess we won it. Welfare had been a big issue with Republicans, but then bill Clinton ran on ending welfare as we know it. Crime was a big issue, but crime was going down as it's continued to. Taxes are no longer 70%. So I think governor Bush asked himself sort of what is it to be a conservative in this modern era. And out of that grew compassionate conservatism. And I was very drawn to that. And I think that most of us involved in that felt that we were own as it were the right side of history, that there was an inevitability if only because of the changing country that we were the ones of a more inclusive party, we used to talk about a Big tent party a lot.

Stuart Stevens: (08:47)
So I saw our side as the dominant gene and the other side, I'd call it the dark side, the regressive gene. But I have to say, I think I was wrong. I think we were the regressive gene. I tell you, if you go back and you read George Bush's acceptance speech at the 2000 Republican Convention in your hometown, New York. I mean, it reads like something like a lost document from a civilization, like the Mayans or something. I mean it's all about compassion and service and humility. That message couldn't win 20% in the Republican primary now. So it's extaordinary-

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:27)
So Why is that? What is it? And obviously you write in your book, I just want to point out that the Democrats started out as the segregationist, as you were referencing in the book. And then all of a sudden we're gravitating towards Republican racial division and seeing a phobia. And so now we're here where we are now. So why is that? Because it doesn't make sense for the expansion of the big tent of that party to me, but I'm not in the vein of the party where the leadership is, so why is that?

Stuart Stevens: (10:03)
It's a profound question. And honestly, even been after writing this book, I can't say that I've nailed an answer. One of the conclusions I came to, which seems sort of obvious is that leaders really matter. I think that the country and people can be led in different directions. If you go back to the thirties, there was a huge fascist movement in America. But we didn't become fascist like a lot of countries in Europe, Why? Probably because Roosevelt was president and not say Lindbergh, who was part of the American First Movement. Had Lindbergh been president, we would have been the same country, but we would have gone in a different direction. I mean, why was the civil rights movement largely non-violent? Probably because Martin Luther King, and it's Stokely Carmichael had been head of that, it would have been a much more confrontational, probably violent movement.

Stuart Stevens: (10:56)
So I think that Donald Trump, you know him far better than I Anthony, I think he analyzed Republican Party and said that, "If I give them power, they will not fight me on these values that they've always said that they stood for." Very transactional. And I think that a lot of it ... I look at the people I helped elect, a lot of them. In this book, I didn't want it to be one where I settled scores or name names. I just really wanted to kind of accept personal responsibility and blame myself, but I just don't get it. Because I know these people, and they're good people. I mean if you live next door to them, they'd be great neighbors. If they saw you on the road stranded, they'd stop in a heartbeat. And yet they support Donald Trump. It's really something that baffles me.

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:54)
Let me play devil's advocate for a second. Let me play devil's advocate. Let me say that the country's in a great culture war, my culture, my conservativism, my right to bear arms, my individualism, whatever I've been taught in the Bible, I want to preserve. I only have two people standing for election at any one time. And even though the president has some personality [inaudible 00:12:23] and personality issues, I believe that he is the savior of our civilization relative to the other person. And by the way, that came from a wickedly smart guy into my text and into my phone last night, that exact verbiage, this is a guy that I went to Harvard Law School with, who's a staunch 'Trump supporter', and your response to that is?

Stuart Stevens: (12:49)
My response is that we used to say, "If you only stand for reelection, you don't stand for anything." I think that when we said back in the Clinton era, that culture is the soul of the country, that it is greater than any single issue. I think we were right. I mean, when you read the beautiful stuff that William Bennett wrote. And I think that what's happened now is the conservatism is being destroyed. What was conservatism? And to my view, 90% of us would have agreed on a set of principles, personal responsibility, character counts, free trade, strong on Russia, the deficit matters, very pro legal immigration. I mean, Ronald Reagan announced it in front of the statue of Liberty, signed a bill that made everyone for 1983 legal. And it's not just that we're drifted away from those were actively against those parties.

Stuart Stevens: (13:43)
So to me there is a role to play. You have to stand for your principles. And if it means you lose a race, you lose a race, but you don't lose your soul, and you don't lose the definition of what you believe in. And I think the long-term damage to conservatism by this sort of Faustian bargain that was struck with Trump, it's devastating. And you can see it in numbers, how many young people are being attracted to what we would call conservatism. They're really not. And it's sort of an ankle here in political philosophy now, which I think is going to probably push us toward a center left period of government for a while. Say what you will about Elizabeth Warren, she can articulate a theory of government. You can like it, you can hate it, but she can argue with you. I really don't know what the Republican Party stands for now except beating Democrats.

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:35)
Well I mean listen, there's no Republican Party platform post convention, so that's more evidence of it. You discuss in the book the hypocrisy of family values. You basically are saying that it was the bedrock of the Republican GOP culture war, but they're quite hypocritical. How are they hypocritical?

Stuart Stevens: (14:56)
Look, I think that ... First, you always get into dangerous ground when you start generalizing about large groups of people. And I think there are a lot of people who are genuine. But in a larger sense, this idea that the party would stand for these certain values, I think has just been proven to be false. I don't know how you can reconcile supporting someone like Donald Trump with pretending that role models matter, pretending that character counts. I mean, everything that we're taught from our parents, our coaches, our teachers, our scout leaders, our people we work with, our bosses, that all of these things matter. I don't think you can reconcile that.

Stuart Stevens: (15:46)
And there's always been this strange history, particularly in the Evangelical White Movement of these sort of larger than life, fraudulent figures like Jimmy Schweikert. And I see Donald Trump is one of those, but even weirdly sort of look alike, they all have these kind of larger than life presences. And they're all kind of like manufactured and they look phony. And I think if the heart of family values to me is being a good neighbor, sort of fundamental what we would call Christian values, though they're not only held in the Christian religion, of [inaudible 00:16:22], of compassion, of helping others. And I think what Trump does is, we all have a sod within us that feels aggrieved, that feels like, "Well, I didn't get a good shot here." An angry side. And Trump validates that. I mean, he tells us that's our best side, that that little spurt of adrenaline you feel like when someone cuts you off in traffic, that little moment of road rage, that's your best self. And if you let that person cut you off, you're a sucker, you're a loser, not just to say, "Okay, it doesn't matter?" And I think that's very toxic to a culture. And the long-term effects of that are very dangerous. And I think you see it with racial [inaudible 00:17:05], it's not that Trump made people racist, I just think he made it more socially acceptable to acknowledge this and to embrace it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:15)
So all of this stuff you write in this brilliant book, I just want to hold the book up again for everybody to see it, It Was All a Lie, you're saying something in the book that I think is fascinating and I'll give an editorial tip here, I believe it's true. You and I are in agreement on this. One of the central points of your book is that Trump is an outcome of a multiple decades of behavior that led to Trump. And so resulted with, if Trump is removed on November 3rd, there's still a systemic problem with the Republican Party. And so can you elaborate little bit on that? What is that problem and how could you fix that problem? Let's say you were the tsar of the Republican Party, or the tsar of that 35% that continues to vote for Mr. Trump, how would you fix it?

Stuart Stevens: (18:02)
Well I really think this all goes back to race. I mean in 1956, Dwight Eisenhower got almost 40% of the African-American vote, which is extraordinary to think about now. And '64 with Goldwater, when he opposed the Civil Rights Act, it dropped to 7%. Now you could have made a case, I probably would have made a case in '64, that after the Civil Rights Act passed, that a large number of African-Americans would be drawn back to the Republican Party because of shared interest, faith in the public square, basic family values, patriotism, entrepreneurship, but it didn't happen. I mean Goldwater got 7%, Donald Trump got somewhere between seven and 8%. At that rate, we'll be doing better with African-Americans about 30, 50. And I think that like any business, when you realized that 90 plus percent of your market is one share, you get very good at talking to that share and not very good at talking to the other.

Stuart Stevens: (18:58)
And we used to acknowledge the failure of the Republican Party to attract African-Americans and other non-white vote. We talked about a Big tent party, and we tried to address that. Now, we weren't very successful, though with Hispanics in the Bush Campaign, we were more successful. But I think it matters that we acknowledged that it was a failure because I think the first step to change anything is to acknowledge it's a failure. I mean, Ken Mehlman in 2005 went before the chairman of the Republican Party, went before the NAACP and apologized for the Nixon Southern Strategy, which tried to divide African-Americans from the Democratic Party. I just think that that's an important step. And the country is changing so rapidly. I'll tell you a stat that I saw that just blew my mind Anthony, of Americans 15 years and under, the majority are non-white. I mean, odds are really good, they're going to be 18 and still a non-white.

Stuart Stevens: (19:55)
And what does that mean for the Republican Party that is increasingly a white party? I think it's just a death sentence unless the party changes. And right now the party shows no desire to change. On this Trump, there is this kind of other Republican party, governors. Look at Phil Scott and Vermont, Hogan and Maryland, Charlie Baker in Massachusetts, I work for all these guys. I love them. And they're wildly successful in very tough markets for Republicans. And yet even as successful and popular as they are, they can't choose their own state party chairman. They're Trump people. For those of us who work in policy, that's like a [inaudible 00:20:37] they won't. I mean it just shows how deep Trumpism has become embedded in the party. And I don't think it's going to change until it's seen as a political necessity to change. I've really given up to being something that blind that Trump would cross the Republicans would rise up and oppose him on principle.

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:04)
Do you think there is a potential rise up of a center right movement, center right party to challenge republicanism or Trumpism, as you're describing?

Stuart Stevens: (21:17)
When I look at this, I really see that there are three parties in America. There's the Republican party. And then there's really two parties inside the Democratic Party. I mean, there's the Joe Biden wing as call it. And then there's the AOC, Bernie Sanders wing. And I think you're seeing a lot of people who 20 years ago, would have run as moderate Republicans running as moderate Democrats now. Look at Conor Lamb in Pennsylvania, he was a classic guy. I mean, I worked for Tom Ridge who just came out for Biden. He's the last Republican governor reelected in Pennsylvania. Those are people that would have been comfortable in the party then, but now they're not. And to me, when you look at the future of the country in a public policy sense, it's really going to be largely determined by that battle within the democratic party, which side is going to emerge dominant?

Stuart Stevens: (22:07)
If you take national health insurance, in 20 years, even 10 years, are we really going to be the only Western Country that doesn't have national health insurance? Hard to imagine. And what that's going to be I think will be determined by that fight inside the Democratic Party. And Republicans, I'm afraid what's going to happen nationally, is what happened to the Republican Party in California. I mean, it wasn't long ago. California was the beating heart of the Republican Party, the electoral citadel, and now it's in third place. Third. It's hard to find a big public policy issue that Republicans in California have much say in. And I just find that tragic. I think it's bad for California. I think it's bad for conservatism. I think we need two strong parties. But we're not going to get there with a culture war.

Stuart Stevens: (23:01)
My home state of Mississippi, we finally took down the Mississippi state flag, which basically the Confederate battle flag, a few months ago. It's very moving to a lot of us. And that same week, Donald Trump got in a fight with NASCAR because NASCAR was banning the Confederate flag from events. I mean, really? We're on the wrong side of a cultural issue with NASCAR. How is that even imaginable? We're in a war with Walmart, a cultural war over mask, because Walmart insist you to use masks. So somehow in 2020, Republicans have ended up on the wrong side of a cultural war with Walmart and NASCAR. And man, I just don't think that bodes well for the future.

Anthony Scaramucci: (23:42)
I'm going to ask you one more question and we're going to turn it over John, for some questions that I'm going to wrap up at the end. I want to take you back to 2012, the Republican Party commission to study, you're well familiar with it, you contributed to that study. You also referenced a lot of these elements in the book about opening the tent and making the party more demographically acceptable, income strata and making the party frankly more competitive. Now obviously, president Trump went in the other direction, he's selling the party to people that are buying my pillows and catheters on Fox News during commercial breaks. That's what he's decided to do with the party. But you wanted to go in a different direction with the party, tell us a little bit about that direction. And then also is that even possible today, or have we reached the point of impossibility? And then I'll turn it over to John.

Stuart Stevens: (24:35)
I think what's really striking about that So-called autopsy, and Reince Priebus I think deserves a lot of credit for commissioning that because it's always hard for any organization to be self-critical. The conclusions were pretty obvious. We needed to appeal to more non-whites, we needed to appeal to younger voters, we needed to appeal to more women, particularly single women. And they were presented not just as a political necessity, but as a moral mandate, that if we were going to earn the right to govern this big, confusing, changing, loud country, that we needed to represent it more, be more like it. And then Trump came along and it was like, "Okay great, we can just win white people. Terrific. We don't have to pretend that we care about all this stuff." And I think it's just tragic.

Stuart Stevens: (25:20)
And to me, the turning point is when Trump came out in December of 2015 for a Muslim ban, it's unconstitutional, it's really just test. And if Republicans stand for anything, it's constitutionality, and a belief in the constitution. And I just think the party then missed an opportunity to come forward and say, "Look, we don't support Donald Trump. Now we can't tell them not to run. We can tell you not to vote for him. But this isn't who the Republican Party is. And if Donald Trump's a nominee and supports the Muslim ban, we can't support him because it's against the constitution." Now what would have happened? I have no idea. But I think the Republican Party would be in a lot better place now. For years, we criticized Democrats for being-

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:07)
But Stuart not to interrupt, is that the leadership of one man, or is that the whole system that you're describing here in the book?

Stuart Stevens: (26:14)
I think it's both. In 2012, when a Republican Missouri nominee for the Senate, Todd Akin said horrible things about women and rape, Reince Priebus came out and said, "Look, we're not going to support this. No one Republican party that I'm involved in is going to give this guy money or work for him." It probably cost us a Senate seat, but we want something more valuable. I think Chairman Priebus should've done that then. Now at the time, nobody thought Donald Trump was going to win. Trump was also out there trying to leverage the fact that he might run as a third party, and they didn't want to alienate Trump. So I understand the reasons, I just think it's a classic example of how when you negotiate with your basic values, you always end up losing, it's that fast. And when people forget about fast, it's not only Mephistopheles take your soul, but he doesn't deliver. And I think that's what's happened with Trump. We have the worst deficit in history. It's gone up faster under Trump. We're kind of to the left of Bernie Sanders on trade, as far as I can tell. I mean, Sanders went to Russia, but he didn't marry Putin. I just don't get it. And I think that all of that is going to come back to haunt us for a long time to come.

Anthony Scaramucci: (27:40)
All right, let me turn it over to John. John is from North Carolina, so he had the snicker going over the whole NASCAR thing. I don't know if you caught that facial expression from John Darsie, but go ahead John.

John Darsie: (27:53)
Nah, I've said the same thing, growing up in the heart of NASCAR country, the idea that you're going to get into a battle with NASCAR and you're going to label NASCAR as too liberal. It just defies all sense of imagination.

Stuart Stevens: (28:08)
Yeah. I don't think Donald Trump is where the country is, that's a perfect example. Another is we he talks about trying to frighten suburban housewives. Now first of all, I don't know about you, but I know a lot of women that live in the suburbs. I don't know any of them refer to themselves as suburban housewife. I mean, most of them are working three or four jobs and have very complicated, busy lives. And I don't know anybody that wouldn't want their children to look at them as someone who would welcome a neighbor, if they were of a different ethnicity or different religion, they don't want to be that person. And there's nothing in our culture that encourages that except the septic pools on the internet. There's nothing in our music culture, our popular culture that supports racism.

Stuart Stevens: (28:53)
I mean, look at the whole kneeling thing, Donald Trump out there when he was campaigning for Roy Moore saying, "Those that kneel," which were primarily African-Americans, "Get those sons of bitches off the field." How'd that work out? Right now we have entire baseball teams not playing. Before the Holmes Florida game, all the players kneeled. I mean not since Stalingrad has anybody lost a battle like that? And I think it just shows how out of touch Trump is with where the country's going. One of my favorite clients and dear friends is Haley Barbour from Mississippi. And Haley had this saying goes, "You know man, be for the future, it's going to happen anyway." And I just think that's a lesson Republicans seem to have forgotten.

John Darsie: (29:51)
I liked that a lot.

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:52)
It's a great one.

John Darsie: (29:55)
You've worked with so many high profile Republican candidates, both people like Bob Dole, George Bush, Mitt Romney, but you've also worked with some people who are in power right now. You talked about some of the governors you've worked with who have spoken out somewhat against Trump, but you've also worked for people who are part of this coalition within the GOP that has enabled him if you will, and has not stood up to the values that they, in private, talk about how they don't like some of the rhetoric, they don't like some of the policy. And I've sat at dinners with Anthony and I'm not going to name names here, because I don't think it's appropriate, but at dinners with very high profile Republicans who say something very different than what they say in public, because they think it's politically expedient to say that other thing in public. Why do you think there is such a large cohort of Republicans who are allowing this to happen? It's not just policy issues, it's an erosion of some democratic institutions. We're talking about de-legitimizing our electoral process without any evidence of it. Why do you think they're not standing up to Trumpism and some of the things that he stands for?

Stuart Stevens: (31:02)
Brother, I ask myself this question about 50 times a day, and I still don't have the answer. What really, really offends me about it is these politicians are heir to the greatest generation. I mean people like my dad spent three years in the South Pacific, 28 island landings, came back, never really talked about it. My uncle, his brother, who was machine gun deep in Europe and never really recovered. That's the legacy they have. Courage isn't standing up to Donald Trump, courage is getting out of the boat when the guy in front of you got shot, and that's the legacy they have. So I just don't understand it, on multiple levels. I mean, I get it if you're working on the hill, you've got a family and jobs are hard to come by and the person supports Trump, okay. Aid the Queen's bread, fight the Queen's war.

Stuart Stevens: (31:48)
But these senators, particularly, they're all going to be fine financially. They're not under any pressure. And what really baffles me is I mean, most politicians have pretty big egos, which doesn't bother me in the least. So do great musicians, athletes, god those writers too. But why don't they see like how they're going to be remembered? I use the example of George Wallace. George Wallace actually did some good stuff as governor. He passed free textbooks, at least for white students, but nobody's remembered as the free textbook George Wallace guy, you are the George Wallace guy. And I think that's how it's going to be for Trump. No one's going to be remembered as I want to lower marginal tax rates for corporations Trump guy, you're going to be the Trump guy. And I don't see it. I don't understand it. I don't understand why even by sheer ego, they would not understand how much more they would be respected and admired with their kids and grandkids would think of them, if they stood up to Trump. It's absolutely baffling to me.

John Darsie: (32:54)
What about the devil's advocate? What about the devil's advocate who says, "Well, we elected Trump on the supreme court issue. We thought there was a possibility of openings coming into the supreme court, that came to pass. And now we flip the balance of the court into a more conservative position, and that was worth all the other noise, all of this erosion of democratic institutions that will pass. All the bad stuff will go away when we have another candidate leading the party. But now we have a conservative court for 40 years." Is it worth it?

Stuart Stevens: (33:29)
I don't buy that. I don't buy the idea that we have to attack democratic norms to preserve democratic norms. I mean to me, it's burning the village to save it, which only ends in ashes. I don't see that. And look, a perfect example is 1964, how'd that work out? We opposed the Civil Rights Bill, and what's happened? We lost a huge part of the country and lost something of our soul. So I don't think that you can undo these things. I think that this is a moment of testing. I mean, most of us certainly, I don't go through life looking for moral crisis. I go through lifetime to avoid moral crisis, just live my life. But this was a moral test, and the Republican Party for the most part failed. And I don't think that that goes away.

Stuart Stevens: (34:20)
And I think the idea that you have to fundamentally go against these institutions of democracy. I mean, there's not one pillar of our democratic institutions Trump hasn't attacked, justice department, the FBI, he supports supreme court justices that are more conservative, but he attacks jurors, he calls a judge from Indiana, a Mexican. I think that's a deeper degradation of the whole system because all of this is held together by trust and faith. I mean, why do we stop at midnight on a lonely road at a red light? Because we're a civic society, not because you're going to get punished. And once we start running through those red lights, where does it stop? And to me, that's what leaders are for. The leaders are-

John Darsie: (35:18)
Anthony gets asked this question all the time, and I'm sure you get asked that as well. And you talked about how you started this book as an exercise in self-reflection about how did we get here and what role did I play in allowing the party to get here? How do you answer that question? How do you rationalize your own role as a Republican strategist and maybe missing resurgence-

Anthony Scaramucci: (35:38)
I am way more culpable than Stuart Because him and I were on a panel in Greenwich, he was yelling at me and I was flying to meet governor Christie to work on the transition. So I'm way more culpable.

John Darsie: (35:49)
I want both of you guys to answer that question, relatively briefly. But if you look at Anthony's Twitter mentions, it's full of people saying, "You have no authority to tell me why Donald Trump is bad because you served on his campaign and briefly in his administration." So to both of you, how do you rationalize your own role in creating the modern GOP or missing this sort of far right element of the party that was maybe louder than you expected?

Stuart Stevens: (36:13)
I mean look, my book opens [inaudible 00:36:16] because there's a certain genre of books in Washington that say, "If only they had listened to me." Well, I can't say that because they did listen to me. And I think that we were naive. I was naive. I can only speak for myself, but we saw this dark side. And we never confronted it enough, and we never sort of asked ourselves, "What does it mean enough?" I was always glad that people [inaudible 00:36:40] work for one. And I was on the side of the party that was mostly fighting those people, but at the same time, I was part of this larger thing. And I think we should have spoken up more. I should have spoken up more and raised more red flags. Would it have mattered? Probably not. But I think all you can do is what you can do. And I think if more of us had done that, it would've mattered. I look at it and I just was naive. I chose to believe, but it was convenient for me to believe that. I mean, I was at the top of a profession, I was doing well in every sense, to go to war with that would have been personally costly. And I probably just chose to look the other way, because it was easier.

John Darsie: (37:31)
How about you Anthony?

Anthony Scaramucci: (37:34)
I'm probably more flawed than Stuart even. I was critical of Mr. Trump, when I was working for a Jet Bush who we're going to have on SALT Talk on Wednesday by the way Stuart, governor Bush. And then I did what a lot of people do, which I wrote about, you critical of him, and you're trying to learn to accept him. And then you're cognitively dissonant about what he's doing. And then you end up where John Bolton is, or myself, or General Kelly, or Jim Mattis, or you can name the litany of people where you're like, "Okay I made a huge mistake." So for me, it was naivety and the flaw and the temptation of wanting to be associated with power. And so I have to always be honest about that and be accountable with that.

John Darsie: (38:23)
So we have a question from the audience about the electoral system in general. And President Obama has expressed his opinion on the Senate, for example being an undemocratic institution because it provides-

Anthony Scaramucci: (38:33)
Before we let Stuart go though, we got to get his opinion on the tax story.

John Darsie: (38:37)
That's an audience question as well.

Anthony Scaramucci: (38:39)
Let's do that right now. And then when you can ask that question, because I know we're running out of time, we need your opinion on the tax story that's come out. A lot of people are asking.

Stuart Stevens: (38:47)
I think the tax story is going to really matter because everybody pays taxes. And in my experience, negative information about a candidate, it reinforces a preexisting notion about that candidate is much more effective. So I think this is pushing on an open door, people think that Trump games the system. And I think it really goes to the core for support, which is, I'm on your side, I'm one of you, which has always been a fraud. But I think it's going to hurt him.

Anthony Scaramucci: (39:21)
Well let me push back for a second because you and I were involved with governor Romney's Campaign and everybody set their hair on fire over a 14%, millions of dollars of taxes that governor Romney was paying. But he seems to have anesthetized his base or his group of people where he's right. Maybe he can shoot somebody on Fifth Avenue and it doesn't matter. So if he pays $750 in taxes or no taxes, they don't care. And your response to that is?

Stuart Stevens: (39:50)
My response in electoral senses, right now if the election were held, Donald Trump would lose. So how does he win? He has to have some of these people who are against him now drift back toward him. And there's reason to believe could happen. So I look at something like taxes is like a speed bump, it makes it that much harder for someone who that isn't for Trump today, to go back in the end, like what happened when Trump did very well those last four days of the campaign in 2016 in part because of the Comey letter. But it's just stay where they are now, and that's all Biden needs. He doesn't need new customers. He just needs to keep the customers he has now.

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:27)
Can Mr. Trump, President Trump threaten this system, meaning can he go to the state legislatures and flip the electors, even if he loses the general election and The Electoral College vote?

Stuart Stevens: (40:42)
Well, I was part of the glorious landslide in 2000 of George Bush. And there was a lot of talk about electorates and all that. We're in a different environment now. I think that that ultimately ... The answer is probably not. But you run the 2016 race a hundred times, Trump loses 90. So things unexpected can happen. To me, the real test is the Republican Party. Parties in our system have to form a circuit breaker function. And really the party has to come forward and stop this. It is a destruction of democracy to do that. You just can't allow it to happen. And I think in a larger sense, the best way to avoid it is to crush Trump. I mean, if it's 1964, nobody's going to be sitting up there at midnight saying, "Let's go to the lawyers.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:33)
We agree.

Stuart Stevens: (41:35)
So that's what we're doing in the Lincoln Project. Our goal is to do what we can to make sure-

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:41)
I got my mug. I got my hat. I just want you to know I donated money. I've raised money.

Stuart Stevens: (41:46)
You are a great supporter.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:48)
And I'll be on a Lincoln project 8:00 PM live stream, I think later in the week. John Darsie, I'll turn it back to you. I know we're tight on time.

John Darsie: (41:59)
We are going into overtime here, but we'll squeeze in a couple more questions. The Electoral College system, and even the Senate has been labeled as undemocratic because of excessive representation that provides to rural voters who are sort of the bedrock of Trump's base. Are those systems, should they be abolished? Are they fair? What is your opinion on that?

Stuart Stevens: (42:18)
I would abolish The Electoral College tomorrow. And I think it would be the best thing that ever happened to the Republican Party, because it would force the Republican Party to change. I think minority rule is toxic. And I say that as someone who benefited from it in 2000, when I worked for Bush. I mean in Bush Campaign, we sort of joked like anybody can get elected president when you get more votes, it takes professionals when you lose by half a million. It seemed kind of funny then, it doesn't seem very funny. So I just think it's toxic, it's toxic not to have majority rule. And we don't do it in any other aspects of our lives. And you can take a big state like California and you could make the same case for Electoral College in California as you do nationally. It's dominated by these larger urban areas. The rural areas are disproportionately not represented.

Stuart Stevens: (43:10)
But nobody's saying that. They're saying like, "The more people, you get more votes, you ought to win." I mean when you're on for Cub Scout leader, you get more votes, you win. I think that's just something where ... And the whole system of electoral, if you go back to the history of it, it basically was, "We're going to elect a bunch of smart people and they're going to pick the president." And that's just not where we are now. That's not where the country's evolved. So I would abolish The Electoral College. I would leave the Senate alone. That's just such a profound sort of tinkering, it's way over my head.

John Darsie: (43:41)
So you talked about how you don't know if the party is going to change until it becomes an electoral necessity for the party to change. And I know you're more of a strategist than a forecaster, but if we looked out in five or 10 years, what do you think is sort of the fallout from Trumpism will be for the Republican Party? What do you think the Republican Party will look like, both from a policy and a demographic perspective?

Stuart Stevens: (44:05)
I think it's sort of like the subprime mortgage crisis. It's easier to predict how it ends and how long it takes. Eventually, the Republican Party is going to have to change, just by survival. It's going to have to. How long that'll take? I don't know. I don't think that just nominating someone who's different will make much of a difference. I mean, if you look at African-American republican candidates, they don't tend to do much better with African-Americans and white Republican candidates, same with Hispanic Republican candidates. So there's not an easy fix here. If I had to predict, I think that we're going to have a period of center left government, it's going to go too far. And there will be a rational alternative to it that will emerge. But that's going to be one that's not fighting cultural wars.

Stuart Stevens: (44:56)
I mean, look at gay marriage, 2008, every candidate, Democrat Republicans were against it. Now we don't even talk about it anymore. It's just like over. And I think that that's going to happen with these other cultural issues. Where people love immigrants, is where they live with immigrants. It's where they don't live with immigrants that they're seen as some sort of mysterious negative force. And I think that's a very positive indicator for the country because we're going to change like that. So eventually there'll be a strong center right party, because there's a demand for it in America. I just don't know how long that's going to take.

John Darsie: (45:32)
Well Stuart, thanks so much for joining us. It's been a fascinating conversation. You're somebody who's been in the middle of a lot of these battles within the party for many years. You have unique insights into how we got here and how we move forward. So thanks so much for joining us. Anthony, you have any final words?

Anthony Scaramucci: (45:46)
Just holding up the book, It Was All a Lie. Stuart, great, great book. And a New York Times bestseller. I encourage everybody to read it. And I hope to see you on the other side of this Stuart. And I hope we're part of the future together like the great governor Haley Barbour said. Wish you the best.

John Darsie: (46:04)
Love that brother. All of us.

Anthony Scaramucci: (46:05)
God bless.

John Darsie: (46:06)
Thanks for inviting me.

Anthony Scaramucci: (46:06)
Bye.

John Darsie: (46:07)
Bye.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: The Crisis of Loneliness | SALT Talks #61

“One of the greatest gifts that you can give your children is the confidence that they can show up as who they are.“

Dr. Vivek H. Murthy served as the 19th Surgeon General of the United States from December 2014 to April 2017. As America’s Doctor, he called the nation’s attention to critical public health issues including the opioid epidemic, e-cigaretes and emotional health and wellbeing. Prior to serving in government, he conducted research on vaccine development and clinical trial participation and founded several organizations focused on HIV/AIDS education, rural health, physician advocacy and clinical trial optimization.

He is the author of Together: The Healing Power of Human Connection in a Sometimes Lonely World. After being sworn in, Dr. Murthy embarked on a listening tour to see what was affecting communities across the United States. He found that, regardless of occupation, location or economic status, there was an crisis of loneliness that was not being formally addressed. Anywhere from 22-50% of people suffer from loneliness, far more than the number of people currently living with diabetes.

Loneliness is more than just a “bad feeling.” It affects performance and puts people at higher risk for heart disease, depression and anxiety. It affects our ability to have healthy dialogue with one another. If you take this sense of inadequacy to your interactions with other people, the feeling compounds, as you’re preventing real, honest interaction.

On top of this, society isn’t set up to prevent disease. Proper nutrition, good rest, physical activity and social connection are the deciding factors in good long-term health, but our current system addresses problems after the fact.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Dr. Vivek Murthy.jpg

Dr. Vivek Murthy

19th Surgeon General of the United States

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Joe Eletto: (00:07)
Hello everyone, welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is Joe Eletto and I'm the production manager of SALT, a global thought leadership forum and networking platform encompassing finance, technology, and politics. SALT Talks is a series of digital interviews with the world's foremost investors, creators and thinkers. Just as we do at our global SALT events, we aim to both empower big, important, ideas and provide our audience a window into the minds of subject matter experts. We are excited today to welcome Dr. Vivek Murthy to SALT Talks.

Joe Eletto: (00:39)
Dr. Murthy served as the 19th surgeon general of the United States from December 2014 to April 2017. As America's doctor, he called the nation's attention to critical public health issues including the opioid epidemic, e-cigarettes and emotional health and wellbeing. As the vice admiral of the United States' Public Health Service Commissioned Corps, he oversaw a uniformed service of 6600 offices dedicated to safeguarding the health of the nation. Prior to serving in government, he conducted research on vaccine development and clinical trial participation and founded several organizations focused on HIV/AIDS education, rural health, physician advocacy and clinical trial optimization.

Joe Eletto: (01:27)
He received his bachelors degree from Harvard and his MDE and MBA degrees from Yale. He completed his internal medicine residency at Brigham and Women's Hospital and Harvard Medical School, where he later joined the faculty. If you have any questions for Dr. Murthy during today's talk, please enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your Zoom screen, and now I'll turn it over to Anthony Scaramucci, the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital, as well as the chairman of SALT, to conduct today's interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:57)
Doctor, it's great to have you on, it's a big honor for us. I sort of start these interviews the same way, my traditional question, there's something about you that we cannot learn on Wikipedia or from your professional service, public service, et cetera, so tell us something about yourself that led you to where you are today that we cannot learn on Wikipedia.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (02:24)
Well, there are a couple of things I'd mention. The first and foremost thing that led me here that isn't on my resume in any way, shape, or form, are my parents and my sister. I was brought up in an immigrant family, my parents traveled to the United States from India many years ago, and I was raised in Miami, Florida. We didn't have a whole lot in the way of resources or connections when we came here. There were a long time, things were pretty tight, had to be careful how much we spent in the grocery store, had to be mindful of how we lived our life. And I tell you, as a kid it was scary at times, I'll tell you that, but what I gained from my parents over those years were a core set of values that really have stuck with me throughout my life.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (03:10)
A value for hard work, a value for people and community and investing in others, and a value for service, giving back to those who have helped you and even those who haven't, recognizing you could be in tough circumstances one day yourself. My parents did that not by giving me a book and telling me, "Memorize these three lessons and live by them", but they taught those lessons to me by living their life that way, and so they are the most important reason that I'm here today, and that's what I want to share with you today.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:42)
Well, that's an amazing tribute to your parents doctor, are they still alive?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (03:46)
Yeah, I'm grateful they're still with me. In fact, they're probably about 20 feet away from me right now, because during this quarantine my wife and my two small kids and I have been in Miami, which is where I grew up and my parents still are, so we've been living the extended family life and it's been chaotic but wonderful.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:03)
Good for you. All right, so make sure you tell your mom that I live two miles from my mom and I've been doing her grocery shopping for the last six months, okay, I just want to make sure your mom knows that, I want to win some points with her before we continue the interview.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (04:19)
She'll say you're a good son.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:21)
Well, I hope so, I'm trying. I haven't been perfect but I've certainly tried. Earlier in the summer I purchased a book titled Together: The Healing Power of the Human Condition in a Sometimes Lonely World, and I got to tell you it's an amazing book. Very, very thoughtful book and I think you are making the connection which all of us need to make about the body and the mind, and how we handle stress and connect with each other, and how it helps us physiologically as well as our mental health. And so kudos to you, and obviously the book was very well timed, given the fact that all of us are in some level of home confinement. And I'm just wondering about, when you decided to write that book, why you decided to pick that genre, which I think is a fascinating genre, and what could we tell somebody here on this SALT Talk if that could tease them to get them go out and buy the book? Which I'm strongly recommending that they do.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (05:27)
Well, thank you, Anthony. This is anything the book I thought I would write, to be honest with you. It's not the topic I thought I would focus on before I was surgeon general, but what happened to me, Anthony, is I began my time as surgeon general on a listening tour, traveling around the country asking people how I could help, and trying to understand a bit about what was going on in their lives. And what I heard were some stories that wouldn't surprise you.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (05:51)
Stories of opioid addiction, of alcohol use disorders, I heard stories about violence in communities, about parents who were worried about their kids being depressed and anxious. I heard a lot of stories like that, but I also heard these stories I didn't expect, which were throughout so many of these tales of chronic disease, were these threads of loneliness where people would often say to me, not, "Hi, I'm Vivek, I'm lonely" or, "Hi, I'm Anthony, I'm lonely". They would say things like this, they would say, "I feel like I have to deal with all these difficulties and burdens on my own" or, "I feel if I disappear tomorrow, nobody would even care" or, "I feel invisible".

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (06:30)
And hearing that again and again, anything just from people who were old or living alone, but also from college students on college campuses, from members of congress, from CDOs, from people across the country, I realized there was something deeper happening here. And as I delved more into the subject, I realized that there was a lot of research on loneliness that told us it was more than just a bad feeling, but that it increased our risk for heart disease, for premature death, as well as for depression and anxiety. But it also affects our performance in school and in the workplace, and our ability to dialogue with each other.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (07:05)
So if you're looking at the world today, if you pick up a newspaper, or if you go online to any news site and you scan through the topics that are being reported on, I guarantee you that you will find subjects that ultimately are driven in some way by loneliness and disconnection, whether that's political polarization, or challenges that our kids facing in school, or the litany of chronic illnesses that we're struggling with. So I know it's not a typical subject for a surgeon general to talk about, it's not tobacco, it's not physical activity, it's not the opioid crisis, all of which I've worked on, but it is, I think, a root cause issue that we have to address if we want to build stronger, healthier lives and a stronger, healthier society.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:49)
So in addition doc, to the loneliness factor, what are some of the other things that you're worried about in terms of the public health. We'll get to the pandemic in a second, I'm more talking about the ethereal aspects of our health and our mental wellbeing, and what did you learn on that listening tour that you went on?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (08:10)
Well, what I learned is that a lot of people are worried about their health and they're worried about the health of their families, and it's coming from a few different perspectives. One is, people are worried that if they get sick, they won't be able to get good care, either because they can't afford it, because they don't have insurance, or because the health care system itself is not built for them. And I would hear this particularly from minority groups who felt like we had real trust issues with the system, but I also heard from many people who were worried that the fundamental building blocks of health itself were often missing.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (08:44)
When I think now about what is it that contributes to so much of the illness that I saw as a doctor over those years, it's a few fundamental building blocks. It's the food we eat, it's whether or not we get good rest, it's physical activity, do we get it or not? And it's social connection in our life as well. And if you think about it, as a doctor who went to medical school and residency and then worked for many years, I didn't learn a whole lot at all about how to optimize those building blocks in people's lives. I learned how to treat illness once it came about, but I think there are many people in this country who recognize that they'd much rather prevent a case of diabetes than get it and then deal with it.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (09:24)
The challenge is, society doesn't seem to be set up to really do that for us, so if we want to truly build, Anthony, a healthier, stronger society, what we've got to do is focus on these four building blocks and ask ourselves, "How do we not only inform people about how to live a healthy life, but how do we actually enable them to do that? How do we make healthy food actually cheaper and more accessible? How do we make physical activity more part of our lives at work and school and in our neighborhoods? And how do we facilitate and strengthen social connection at a time where work and other priorities have overtaken our relationships?" And even though we all value people, we often find that our relationships and those we love are pushed increasingly to the side as second, third, and fourth order priorities.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:10)
You mentioned something that you call the social recession. Tell us what that means, the social recession.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (10:19)
Well, I was thinking about that in the context of what's happening right now, because in the context of... even before COVID 19 arrived on the scene, we were struggling with very high levels of loneliness. If you look at the United States and data from 2018, this is actually the more conservative data, I don't mean that politically, I mean that methodologically; those numbers put loneliness at about 22% of adults in the population who are struggling with loneliness. The real numbers are undoubtedly higher, but there are many surveys that have actually put that number closer to 50%, and some surveys, including a survey from Cigna, which have shown that the numbers are actually trending the wrong way, that they're increasing. To just put this in context, even if you take the lower number, 22% of adults struggle with loneliness, that's more than the number of adults who have diabetes, it's more than the number of adults who smoke.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (11:09)
So we were struggling with a lot of loneliness before, and then comes COVID 19, and all of a sudden, at a time of extraordinary stress and uncertainty, a time by the way, when we typically reach out to people to help them deal with that stress, we find ourselves having to physically separate from one another and we can't connect the way we were used to. And that I think, for many people, has deepened their loneliness, so when I think about a social recession, I think about a period of time marked by deepening disconnection and loneliness. And if you understand the health, economic and political consequences of loneliness and you recognize the consequences of social recession, the price that we will pay, is just as important and comparable, I believe, to the economic headwinds that we're facing as a result of this pandemic.

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:55)
One last question before we get into the pandemic, because I think we would both agree to this, that loneliness, people are afraid to admit that they're lonely. They have a self-consciousness about it, makes them feel like it's something that reflects poorly on them if they're not surrounded by people, and we also get that from social media, there's pressure on us from social media, we see people... trust me, my kids are always taking the picture stuff with the best lighting and they're trying to frame it out. In the immortal words of my daughter Amelia, "It's either real life or social media, I choose social media". Unfortunately, I think there's a lot of truth in that. So what ends up happening is, if we feel lonely, we can't admit to it, and so therefore there's a bit of a stigma. So how do we break that down? What do you suggest people do?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (12:49)
Well, that stigma's real, and I'll tell you that. Not only did I hear that in the people's stories around the country, but I've felt it myself, because I am someone who's also struggled with loneliness a lot over my life, particularly when I was a child in elementary school where the scariest part of the day for me was lunchtime, going into that cafeteria wondering if I was going to be alone. And at that time, I thought I was the only one who was experiencing that, and that's the real challenge with loneliness, is we look around us and we think, "I'm the only one who's struggling here, everyone else seems to have wonderful lives, especially if you look at their social media feeds". But the reality is actually quite different, we know now, based on real data, that people are in fact, all around us, struggling with loneliness.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (13:29)
But there's another reason actually that we don't admit it, because in our society, we tend to live in an extroverted society where engaging and socializing, especially in large gatherings, has a premium to it. It says that we're popular, we're desirable, we're attractive, we're interesting. So I think the real challenge here, is how to admit to being alone in a society that always values being surrounded by others. And so when I think about what's driving loneliness today, whether it's for young people like Amelia, or whether it's for people of our generation or people older than us, I think there are a few key factors you have to recognize. One is, we're more mobile than we ever used to be, which is great, but it often means that we move away from communities that we've grown up with and come to know.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (14:17)
The second factor is our technology. Technology I think is an extraordinary tool, I say that as somebody who built a technology company, who is a big fan of what tech can do for us, but I think how we use it is what makes the difference between whether we deepen our connections or dilute our connections. And I think the way in which we use social media now is predominantly geared toward ultimately hurting our social connection, because we spend so much time in front of screens we crowd out our time with people in person, and we also bring technology into our interactions, such that it distracts us when we're talking to other people.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (14:52)
But for young people in particular, and I think about my kids a lot in this context and worry about their future, I think that social media also undermines their self esteem, because it's constantly telling them that they're not enough. You're looking at other people's perfect lives thinking you're not good enough, you're not popular enough, you're not thin enough, you're not buff enough, you're not whatever it is. And so when you constantly feel like you're not enough, you approach...

Anthony Scaramucci: (15:17)
Just so you know doc, Joe Eletto met every one of those criteria, he's thin enough, he's buff enough. I just want to make sure, there's three of us on this call, but Joe has made the criteria. But keep going document, I just wanted to make sure you knew that.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (15:32)
Well sadly, not all of us can be Joe, but as we continue to work toward that, I think many people in society now, young people in particular, just walk around feeling like they're inadequate. And if you take that sense of inadequacy to your interactions with other people, what you find yourself doing instead of focusing on being yourself and just truly being present and listening to them, you're constantly thinking about how you're coming across, you're constantly trying to orchestrate and work the conversation and say the rights things so the other person thinks of you in a positive way, and when we're not ourself, we don't connect as deeply and as strongly.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (16:07)
So if we think about all this together, we realize that loneliness didn't come about yesterday, it didn't start with this pandemic, it's been brewing for a long time. And if we want to address it, we've got to start with recognizing that all of us at some point in our lives have struggled with it and there's nothing to be ashamed of. And this is the last point I'll make about this thing, Anthony, in terms of why people shouldn't be ashamed of it, because let me ask you this; are you ashamed of being hungry, or thirsty? None of us are, we know that everybody feels hungry or thirsty at some point. We should think about loneliness as the same type of thing. It's a signal that our body sends us when we're lacking something we need for survival. It's something we've evolved to do, because when we were hunter gatherers thousands of years ago, our survival depended on being in trusted relationships, and when we were separated from our tribe it increased our vigilance, it pushed our focus inward because we were worried about safety, and it increased our overall stress level.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (17:02)
If you transport that to 2020, Anthony, to the modern day, what you find is that our circumstances are different but our nervous systems are the same. And so we can think about loneliness not only as a signal that tells us we need more connection, but also as a source of stress, which in the short term can be beneficial, it can motivate us to pick up the phone or call a friend or get in the car and go and visit a relative, but in the long term, that stress has powerful and negative effects on our body, leading to physical and mental illness.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:32)
Well I think it's very well said and I think we have to continue to have this conversation, because a lot of our illnesses of the mind are just that, they're illnesses. If I told you I had clogged arteries, god forbid, you'd put me on some medicine or exercise or whatever. Something wrong with my knee, we would take care of it. But when we have issues related to our mind, we are trapped somehow, we feel like there's a social stigma there which really doesn't need to be, so I really do appreciate all you're doing to make a difference in that area, because hopefully it'll lead people just to relax a little and be themselves and enjoy the authenticity of who they are. There were some in the White House, when I was there doc, that wanted me to care a little more about what other people thought of me, but what can I say? We did our time training at the Scaramucci house, just let me to be who I am. What can I tell you?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (18:28)
Well listen, I'll just say, last thing on that, you said something really important there, which is being ourselves is not always easy in the modern world. And one of the greatest gifts that you can give your children, is to give them the confidence that they can show up as who they are, and that what matters most is not the approval of other people, but it's whether or not they're living up to their highest version of who they can be. Are they living up to their values? Look, I wrote this book, not because I wanted people to be depressed about how common loneliness was, but I wanted two things to happen; one is for people to recognize that they weren't alone, if they were lonely. But the second thing is, I wanted them to recognize that our social connections, our relationships with one another, are one of the most powerful resources we have for healing, for strengthening ourselves, for enhancing how we show up in the world, whether it's at school or work.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (19:18)
And if I told you, Anthony, that I had a pill that could dramatically reduce your risk of heart disease and mental illness and that could boost your performance and could even enable you to dialogue better with people on the other side of the aisle and everything, I'd do really well if I sold that drug. People would be snapping it right up. The truth is, we have that power within us in the form of relationships, and what I want, and my fervent hope for not just the United States but for the entire world, is that we can recognize once again, that if we put people at the center of our lives, if we truly prioritize people in terms of where we spend our time, attention and energy, if we design our curricula in schools and our workplaces in ways that strengthen human connection, then we can not only come out healthier and stronger, but we can help people and or children will be much more fulfilled and happy than many of them are right now.

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:12)
Well, I think it's very well said, I'm glad that you took another moment to re-emphasize that for everybody. We get a lot of young people on this call, doc, and so I hope you guys are listening out there. Let me switch gears and talk a little about the pandemic, and then I'm going to turn it over to Joe because we've got a ton of questions piling up in the queue. I want to talk specifically about the disease for a second, about COVID 19. There's a lot of misconceptions about this disease; we were treating it differently in March and April than we're treating it today, so tell our listeners a little about that if you don't mind, and then tell us a little about these long haulers. What's your opinion there? And what is the long term prospects for them, frankly, in terms of their quality of life?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (21:03)
It's a great question Anthony, this has been such a journey of discovery, a painful journey of discovery as we learn more about COVID 19 and have understood not just how it's affecting us here in the US, but have seen what's happening in other countries, and my hope is that we continue to learn from what's happening outside of our borders. But where we are right now is that we have, unfortunately in the United States, reached a very difficult point where we've lost over 200,000 lives, we have nearly 7 million people who are infected with COVID 19, and those are almost certainly dramatic underestimates in terms of the real numbers. We know what hurst the most though, Anthony, is that it didn't have to be this way, is that we had opportunities and still do have opportunities to curb the spread of COVID 19. Is there a scenario where we could have prevented anyone from getting sick or dying? I don't think so. I think this was inevitably going to effect some people's lives. But what has happened is it has spread on such a scale that I think it has caused so much more damage and fear and anxiety, and has led to economic pain in terms of prolonged shutdowns, and educational, terrible impacts in terms of school closures that didn't necessarily have to be as prolonged as they were. It is not too late though, to change that.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (22:23)
I do think we know enough about how this virus spreads to put in place measures that can reduce spread, for example, we know now that masks are actually quite effective. Unfortunately, there's a lot of misinformation out there about masks, unfortunately we're not hearing consistent messages from our leaders in the country as well, which is unfortunate. But we do know that masks work, we know that distancing works, and the fact that we still have a lot of COVID does not mean that we can never resume our way of life. We can. There are safe ways for us to educate our kids and to resume certain types of work, we just have to have that coordination and the courage to have a clear plan and actually implement it. So all this to say that COVID is still an unfolding story, and my hope, despite the challenges we've had, is that we will muster a more science driven and effective approach, and that we'll communicate honestly and openly with people along the way.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (23:20)
One of the things we have learned though, about COVID, which is really interesting and unfortunate, is that there are some people who have symptoms for a prolonged period of time. These are colloquially sometimes referred to as long haulers, so people whose symptoms don't go away in the first couple of weeks, but actually may last for many, many months. And those could be symptoms of fatigue, they could be general aches and pains, it could be a mental fog that some of them have described that they experience. We don't know enough to really know how commonly this occurs, or if it ultimately will peter out at some point, or if it will be something that will be with people for years. It's still something we have to understand.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (23:59)
And that's why as we go through pandemics like this, investing in science and discovery and collaboration is so important. If we had learned from what was happening in Europe and Asia and actually implemented those lessons when COVID got to the US, we actually would have been much better off in terms of protecting our schools, in terms of protecting workplaces and ultimately, protecting people's lives.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:23)
So you mentioned this brain fog, I just want to take one more question on this, there was an article this week, I think it was in the Wall Street Journal, talking about the blood vessels and the heart, and that there's some issues there. Is that permanent damage do you think, doc? Or is it something that we don't know.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (24:44)
Unfortunately, we don't know, and there are two cardiovascular complications I think, that we have seen. One is myocarditis, which is an inflammation of the heart muscle itself. Interestingly, and somewhat disturbingly, that's something we've seen in young people as well, including in young athletes. There was an article published in the Journal of the American Medical Association of Cardiology recently, which it was a small study looking at a population of student athletes and found that both symptomatic and asymptomatic people who didn't have any symptoms, people who had COVID 19, that they both seemed to have evidence of inflammation of their heart. Now, is this consequential? Is it going to cause long term problems? We don't exactly know.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (25:26)
But the other challenge that we found on a cardiovascular level is that many people with COVID 19 seem to develop blood clots in the hospital. These are people who tend to be severely ill, those clots have been noticed even when they've been on blood thinners. So what is it about COVID 19, the inflammation it creates, it seems to generate what's called a prothrombotic state, a state where we're prone to developing clots, again, is also unclear. But one thing is clear, the more we learn about COVID, the more we learn about how many organ systems are actually affected.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (25:58)
In the beginning, we thought this was just about the lungs and then we realized that actually it can hit the nervous system, it can hit the cardiovascular system and it can affect your kidneys. And one by one, we started to realize, this virus is a lot more complicated. That's why it's important to be cautious, it's why we don't want to just say, "Okay, let's just let this virus run like wildfire through the population". Because not only will we lose many lives, and we've already seen that, but we will have many people who survive the virus but may have complications that they may live with for months and possibly for years.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:32)
Well, I think it's a brilliant exposition of what is going on. We've got a ton of questions and we'd like to keep this thing tight, so I've got to turn it over to the very buff and in shape Joe Eletto. Go ahead Joseph.

Joe Eletto: (26:45)
Only because the gyms opened three weeks ago, but I had my mask on the entire time, I promise.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:50)
By the way Joe, as an aside, I have to start complementing John Darsie otherwise we could have a [crosstalk 00:26:58]. Yeah I got to tell you, I got to boost, after what... this is our other co-host doc, after what you said about loneliness and stuff like that, I got to go pick this guy up. When I leave this call I'm going to FaceTime him and send him love, but go ahead Joe.

Joe Eletto: (27:13)
Good for you.

Anthony Scaramucci: (27:14)
Yeah, I got to do that now. I feel guilty about all my tweaking of him.

Joe Eletto: (27:20)
So turning back to social media just briefly, I want to ask; social media companies are under intense scrutiny for misinformation, and I went back through your tweets and you wrote out, "If social media companies can't police misinformation, they should shut down their platforms". I thought that's fantastic and I wanted you to elaborate on that, and considering the amount of people who makes important decisions based on what they read, potentially in an echo chamber, on their social media feeds, why aren't we approaching social media regulation as a public health issue?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (27:59)
Yeah, well Joe, the reason that I believe this is so important is because so much of that misinformation people are getting is coming through social media, and it has real consequences. This is not a laughing matter, this is the kind of thing that makes people decide not to take vaccines that could save their lives and protect their children. This is the kind of misinformation that sends people to take medications that are unproven and they actually cause harm, but they're misled to think somehow they would be helpful, and we've seen that with COVID 19. And so the real question is, whose responsibility is it? And what I think is problematic is when social media companies say, "My job is just to create the platform, it's up to people to use it the way they do". That sounds good and fine, and that might even be in accordance with the letter of the law, but there's a higher responsibility that we all have to each other to create and build products and services that ultimately advance humanity and don't cause harm.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (29:01)
And I think that in the vein of taking responsibility, I think that social media technology companies have a responsibility to police themselves, and if they can't police the harmful effects and mitigate the harmful effects that they are having on the population at large, then we have to seriously ask, "Is it okay for them to continue to function in the way that they're functioning?" We wouldn't do this, you wouldn't, for example, put a drug out onto the market and say, "It seems to help people, it's killing a whole lot of people, but it seems to help a few people so maybe we should just keep it up there and it's up to everyone to make up their own minds about whether they want to use it or not, and figure out whether the data's real or not". We wouldn't do that, because that doesn't make sense. Because we know it's actually exceedingly difficult to figure out whether a medication is safe or effective on their own. They need trusted sources to look at the data, to parse the science et cetera.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (29:55)
Similarly, it's very hard these days for people to figure out on social media what's true and what's not. Things are so often not labeled, if they are labeled as false it's well after the fact, and the bar that many of these organizations have for taking action is often way, way too high. So that's where my concern comes from, I'm not thinking about anything other than, first and foremost, what is going to help protect the health and wellbeing of people around the country? And right now, social media has not made a good case that it's on the side of helping reduce pain, suffering and improve health.

Joe Eletto: (30:29)
Yeah, and continuing on from there, I mean talking about the forthcoming vaccine which hopefully we'll have some information on the efficacy of it by the end of the year, maybe next year, and do widespread distribution by the summer at best, is what Dr. Fauci is advising us. But relating to social media so we don't have to dive into any rhetoric coming from the White House, what are people going to do? We're reading things online that vaccines aren't safe, or maybe COVID will be not as rigorous, the vaccine for COVID won't be as rigorous. Governor Cuomo just came out today saying that New York state is going to have its own review process for a vaccine, so all of these conflicting messages don't really instill confidence in someone who might even be looking at a vaccine for the first time in their life. So I'm curious to see what your take is on how you would solve for that.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (31:23)
It's the right question Joe, because it's on everyone's minds and especially as these clinical trials for the vaccines advance I think we're all hoping that we'll get a good vaccine trial result soon, and one that can hopefully deliver a safe and effective vaccine into our hands so we can start saving lives. That's the hope and everyone should be in favor of that. The challenge, and this is a bit of an unprecedented challenge that we're dealing with, Joe, is not that there are some people who don't believe in vaccines, that's been true for many years, but it's always been a very small percentage of the population. It seems a lot bigger than it is, but it's actually quite small.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (31:59)
The part of the challenge that's unprecedented is, we've never been in a situation where there was so much distrust of what was coming out of the FDA and the administration, because in Republican and Democratic administrations in the past, when we had major outbreaks or pandemics, both Republican and Democratic presidents often came together around the science and they spoke with one voice, in terms of scientists and political leaders all speaking to what people needed to do, and they had a process that had integrity when it came to evaluating a vaccine. And that's really essential and I think they did that because they knew what was at stake. It wasn't just a current vaccine and illness, but they knew that if you compromised faith in a vaccine, that it would impact you for years to come, for future vaccines as well.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (32:45)
And what we've unfortunately run into is a situation where because of, I think, a division, if you will, between what scientists are saying and what political leadership is saying, on a variety of things, not just vaccines but on masks, on hydroxychloroquine, on a range of other issues related to COVID, people are starting to wonder who's really telling the truth. And if the administration says the scientists are telling us that we should trust this vaccine, is that actually what the scientists are saying? I think that unfortunately for all those reasons you see what the Kaiser Family Foundation demonstrated a few weeks ago in its full, which is that 54% of Americans say that if a vaccine was available today for COVID 19, they would not take it. I mean, that is staggering, if you think about it. Because this is a pandemic that's turned all our lives upside down, we should all want a vaccine, but that speaks to how deep the mistrust is.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (33:35)
So if we want to correct that, if we want to instill faith, we've got to do a couple of things; number one, the FDA has to lay out clear standards for what constitutes effectiveness and safety, and the second thing they have to do is ensure that we will hear from independent scientists on the advisory board as well as from the staff scientists at FDA, hear directly from them about what their take on the data is. And third, they've got to make the data actually available to the public so that scientists and the community can look at it, can assess it, can opine on it. Without those bars being met, it's going to be very hard for people to trust an administration that has repeatedly, unfortunately, shown a callous disregard for science.

Joe Eletto: (34:18)
And I want to, just as we're winding down, talk about the next three months going into 2021, what a potential post COVID world is going to look like. We've just hit a staggering milestone of 200,000 people who have passed as a result of COVID 19 and complications thereof, there are some projections that will take us now up to 400,000; what does the rest of the year look like? What does the [inaudible 00:34:45] start of the new year look like? And what sort of mitigation efforts would a Biden presidency bring in to restore faith in the FDA, restore faith in the NIH, the CDC, and how do we reeducate the American population about what the facts are behind COVID 19 and the science below it?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (35:07)
This is a difficult time and the projections show that unless we take a different tack here to get this virus under control, we may lose up to another 178,000 lives by January 1st. This is according to the University of Washington Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation. Those are staggering numbers, but I do think that we can do things differently, and overall, as sobering as the numbers are, I actually am optimistic that we can overcome COVID 19, because we actually know what to do. We have extraordinary scientists. We have learned a tremendous amount. We have amazing civil servants who are standing at the ready. What we just need is coordinated, clear leadership to help execute and to make the plans that are necessary. So I think what a Biden administration would hopefully do is, to number one recognize that you've got to step in here with strong leadership. And what does strong leadership do? Well, strong leaders lead by example. Ultimately they step up and fill gaps, they take a responsibility and they deliver results, and that's going to be more important now than ever.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (36:13)
I think the second thing that a new administration would have to do is to rebuild trust, and the way that you rebuild trust is to ensure that you are letting science guide your decisions, but that you're also communicating openly and honestly with the public about where we are, where we need to go, and how we're going to get there. Part of that is allowing scientists to speak directly to the public, and you don't avoid letting scientists talk to the public unless you're worried about what they're going to say or not planning to follow their guidance. But again, we've got to speak with one voice.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (36:46)
And I'd say the third thing that a new administration would need to do, which I know vice president Biden has spoken extensively about, is to lay out clear plans on our priority issues. Those being; how do we distribute a vaccine fairly and quickly? How do we ensure that we close the gap on testing where we still have shortages? How do we put forward, not just a plan, but the resources to open our schools? How do we provide the economic support for people who are hurting so they won't have to find ways to go back to work while putting themselves at risk, and they can in fact prioritize their health? And ultimately, how do we put forward clear guidance for families, for workplaces, for states and for schools, so people know what to do to keep themselves and their community safe?

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (37:28)
All of this is going to require good, strong partnerships. It's going to require federal government that's willing to step up and work closely with states and communities and organizations. It doesn't mean the federal government has to do everything, but what it means is that the federal government needs to have the courage to lead and not step back and allow others to take responsibility when things fall through. Because that is the definition of a leader, you step up to fill the gaps. Look, ultimately I think we can do this. The reason I think we can do this is because we have overcome great challenges in the past, we have dealt with major outbreaks, we have distributed vaccines to millions and millions in the population, we have done extraordinary things in public health. Have we done something at this scale and addressed a situation that was this urgent in the last century? No. So this will take actually America coming together in an extraordinary way.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (38:19)
I lastly want to say this, which is as important as everything I've mentioned is, in terms of what government should do and what states should do; there is no way that we will overcome COVID 19 if as individuals we also don't step up to not only do the right thing in terms of safety, but to support one another. One thing that's giving me heart and hope during this time has been to see how many people have been stepping up in communities to support their neighbors, to look out for their family and friends and loved ones, to support strangers; I walk around my neighborhood in Miami and I see these signs that neighbors have put out thanking nurses and doctors and grocery store workers for putting themselves on the line so that others can be safe and taken care of.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (39:01)
And there's something deep within each of us, a spirit of common concern and decency and compassion that I saw when I was surgeon general, as I had the privilege to visit communities across the country. That is ultimately what will sustain us during these difficult times, and I want us to recognize that, because it can be easy to feel like you're powerless during a time like this because you can't create a vaccine, you can't make the medicine, but I want us to know that the compassion, kindness and love that we wield, that we have inside of us as part of our birthright, that that is one of the most powerful medicines we have. I say that as somebody who has written many prescriptions for medicines over the years, but there's nothing more powerful than what love and compassion can do to help us heal and to make us strong during difficult times.

Joe Eletto: (39:47)
That's fantastic. It almost feels like the problem that we're living through, however terrible, could actually be a solution to the discord we're having between political parties, between people now, and coming out of this, we could see something of a coming together and a solving of that. But I want to thank you so much for coming on SALT Talks, Anthony, do you have any final words?

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:08)
Oh, doc, I appreciate it. I brought my mask for everybody, you see that, so I'm wearing it in your honor sir, okay. And I just hope that people will listen because this will save people's lives, and if you love your parents and they have comorbidities, you want to wear the mask. Now of course, you guys can't hear me through the mask, but I'm making the point visually, so let's keep it together and I really appreciate your time today...

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (40:35)
Of course, great to be with you Anthony.

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:37)
And hope to see you live at one of our events once when we can get back up and running.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (40:42)
Thanks Anthony.

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:43)
Thank you.

Dr. Vivek Murthy: (40:43)
It's good to be with you and Joe, great to be with you and the team as well.

Voice of Cannabis Series - Episode 2 | SALT Talks #58

Episode 2

Jason Wilson is Principal at Fourth Wall Advisory, a strategic marketing advisory firm, and a Cannabis Banking Expert. He led the first installment of the Voice of Cannabis Series, presented in partnership with ETFMG | MJ and Fourth Wall Advisory.

Joining Jason is David Culver, Vice President of US Government and Stakeholder Relations for Canopy Growth Corporation, Patrick Martin, Principal & Director of Midwest Public Strategies for Cozen O’Connor and Erik Huey, President of Platinum Advisors.

Episode 2 includes an overview on the the MORE Act, social justice reform and the possible results of the 2020 Presidential Election.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKERS

Patrick Martin.jpeg

Patrick Martin

Principal & Director, Midwest Public Strategies

Cozen O’Connor

Erik Huey.jpeg

Erik Huey

President

Platinum Advisors

David Culver.jpeg

David Culver

Vice President, US Government & Stakeholder Relations

Canopy Growth Corporation

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:11)
Hello, everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the Managing Director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology, and public policy. Again, I'm excited to be back in SALT HQ today in Manhattan as we start to get back to normal a little bit. It's great to be here with the SALT logo behind me in our little SALT conference room, so I hope everyone out there is safe and healthy as well.

John Darsie: (00:37)
SALT Talks are a digital interview series we've been doing during this work from home period with leading investors, creators, and thinkers. What we're really trying to do during the SALT Talks series is replicate the experience that we provide at our SALT Conference series, which is to provide a platform for what we think are big important trends and ideas that are shaping the future, as well to provide our audience a window into the minds of subject matter experts.

John Darsie: (01:01)
We're very excited today to welcome our audience to the second episode of the Voice of Cannabis series, where we bring together leaders and innovators from the front lines of the fast-growing cannabis industry to talk about cannabis politics, cannabis regulation, and the business of cannabis. Today's episode is titled Congress and Cannabis, and it's in partnership with Fourth Wall Advisory, a strategic marketing advisory firm focused on the cannabis industry, as well as Canopy Growth Corporation, a leading international cannabis company.

John Darsie: (01:31)
Hosting today's talk is Jason Wilson, who's a Principal at Fourth Wall, as well as being a cannabis banking expert. With more than 15 years of experience in the asset management, finance, and structured products base, Jason has a track record of bringing hard to access asset classes to market. He's been working in connection with the legal cannabis industry for the past decade and continues to be one of the leading experts in the space.

John Darsie: (01:55)
If you have any questions during today's talk, just a reminder, you can post them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen. And with that, I'm going to turn it over to Jason to host today's interview.

Jason Wilson: (02:06)
Thanks, John. Pleasure to be on with you guys again and glad you're back in the office and hopefully have some semblance of normality down there. Today's episode is in many ways a continuation of the topics and issues we discussed on our Essential Cannabis Panel we did back in June. Hard to believe that's almost three months ago. A lot's happened since then. But given the similarity of topics, we've actually decided to bring back the same expert panelists with us today.

Jason Wilson: (02:32)
So joining us is David Culver, who is Vice President of US Government and Stakeholder Relations at Canopy Growth Corp. We also have Patrick Martin, Principal of Cozen O'Connor, back with us. And, as well, Eric Huey who's the President of Platinum Advisors, is joining us. So thank you all, gentlemen, in advance for joining us today. Great to have you back.

Jason Wilson: (02:56)
David, why don't we kick things off with you? Looking at the landscape, a lot has happened in the last three months, but particularly with, I guess, the MORE Act? What is happening there? I understand we have another vote coming up. What's happening with co-sponsorships? What kind of momentum have you seen happening with respect to the MORE Act?

David Culver: (03:15)
Yeah, thanks, Jason. First of all, thanks to the folks at SALT for hosting this again. It's great to be back with all of you. And, Jason, thanks to you for moderating today. Good to see you, Mr. Martin and Mr. Huey. I know we get to see each other on a fairly regular basis, but nice to be on the panel with you both as well.

David Culver: (03:35)
Jason, the MORE Act is indeed the question of the day. I'm here in Washington, D.C., and it's what the media is completely focused on in the cannabis space and probably will be for the next week plus. But let me back up just a little bit. It's been three months since we've spoken to you and to the audience, and probably the most important thing to make note of is that the MORE Act now has 111 co-sponsors as of this morning. This is over 30 more than where we were three months ago. So all of the cannabis advocacy groups that have been up on the Hill talking to members about this have done a really good job in terms of building that co-sponsor number.

David Culver: (04:15)
The other thing that's happened is that you saw in late August notification from House leaderships, two notifications, actually, one stating that the MORE Act was going to come to the floor in September, and then that notification was immediately followed by another one that said that it was going to come to the floor on the week of September 21st, which is next week, which is why this is such a timely question that you're asking.

David Culver: (04:42)
Now, having said all of that, there have been some rumblings, and this is me speculating, I don't have anything concrete, but there have been rumblings both inside the media and from my contacts on Capitol Hill regarding some levels of discomfort inside the Democratic Caucus about bringing this bill to the floor for a vote prior to the election. There's a number of groups out there that we've heard could be concerned. The most prominent, of course, is the front-line members, and these are members of the House of Representatives that are the targeted races for this 2020 election cycle. I think that those members are already going to have a difficult race and are concerned about the electability of cannabis. I, of course, don't agree with that particular assessment at all. I've talked many, many times openly about how important I see cannabis as an election issue for anybody that wants to run on it. But, that aside, there is some levels of discomfort.

David Culver: (05:41)
We've also got some more conservative members, like the Blue Dogs, and also some freshman members that we've heard may be having some concern as well, primarily because they've just never dealt with cannabis as an issue before. So I understand all that. There also was a comment yesterday that Representative Hoyer made to the Washington Post that was tweeted out. He's the number two in leadership in the House of Representatives, and, basically, he said that the House needs to stay focused on the continuing resolution and also on COVID relief and maybe not so much on cannabis. But they backtracked that a bit this morning, and their office made the statement very clear that this bill is still on the schedule for next week. So we are still very hopeful, as all of our advocacy friends are, that we do see this voted on next week.

David Culver: (06:32)
I wanted to touch just very quickly, if I could on two more quick things related to this bill. One is that we spent a lot of time last time talking about the regulations within the MORE Act and just general ideas around federal regulations in cannabis. The MORE Act has a structure in its original form that would basically yield to the tobacco model, which tobacco and cannabis are very, very different products and cannabis is going to need its own regulatory structure. And since we last spoke, there has been a great deal of appetite on the Hill with the Committees of Jurisdiction to talk about that regulatory structure. I don't know what we're going to see in the MORE Act if it comes to the floor next week in terms of some new regulatory structure, but those conversations have begun. If the bill is to stall this Congress and we have to address it next year, we're going to spend a lot of time talking to the House and Senate leaders about this.

David Culver: (07:23)
And then the final thing I'll say is that because we are so close to this bill potentially coming to the floor, if you are interested in cannabis and you are at home, please pick up the phone and call your member of Congress. Let them know that this is a bill that's important to you, you want to see Congress vote on it, and you want to see it passed. Your voice is much more important than mine as a constituent, and I encourage everybody that's watching to go ahead and do that.

Jason Wilson: (07:51)
It's not surprising at all, I guess, given what's at stake. We have competing viewpoints, competing interests, and it's not going to be an easy road to legalization, no question. But, Patrick, turn to you for a little bit. What's your perspective on how recent events will affect the chance of success for the MORE Act passing and getting through, specifically with respect to COVID-19 and what that could mean?

Patrick Martin: (08:18)
Sure, absolutely, and thank you so much to SALT for having us back to talk about this very exciting topic. I think David hit the nail right on the head when he said that there is just some concern within the Democratic Caucus, not so much around the substance of the legislation but around the timing of it. Leadership is hearing from front-line members who are running in moderate to conservative districts that they're worried about the perception that if Congress and the White House don't reach a larger agreement on a COVID-19 relief bill that the House Democrats will look distracted and off-base passing a cannabis legalization bill without addressing what they consider to be the larger concerns first.

Patrick Martin: (09:01)
What David and Eric and others and I who work on this every day have been saying is that just isn't true at all. When you look at states and localities that are suffering because of COVID-19 and are desperately looking to Washington for economic relief, a cannabis legalization bill provides a tool to get economic dollars to the states. Look at the tremendous success that states that have legalized cannabis are having just from a pure economic standpoint. The numbers in my home state, in Illinois, in medical, have been staggering, particularly throughout COVID-19. Everything that the national conversation has centered around with race and policing reform and inequality, this bill addresses that, too, in a very serious way.

Patrick Martin: (09:48)
So I would say to anyone on Capitol Hill, any member of Congress, anyone who doesn't think that the timing is right for this bill, the timing is exactly right for this bill. This is us meeting the moment and addressing a true injustice and, quite frankly, taking a bold and important stand on behalf of this industry and on behalf of consumers who want to see this pass.

Jason Wilson: (10:13)
So it may be a great time to actually have the political will to be able to get this, through.

Patrick Martin: (10:18)
Absolutely. And I would add, to answer your question as well ... The thing I would add is that this legislation will provide a tremendous amount of energy to core Democratic voters that we need to come out in November. So to those members who are nervous about this not being a net positive, I've never seen a poll in the history of cannabis that doesn't show that it isn't popular. And it's incredibly popular among young people and people of color, two voting blocks the Democrats aren't going to win anything in November if we are not motivated and excited in those communities to go out and vote.

Jason Wilson: (10:51)
Eric, touching on voters quickly, what are we seeing demographically? We know millennials are big supporters, for sure, but what are we seeing across other demographics?

Eric Huey: (11:02)
What's amazing about this issue is it transcends party. It has almost as much support on the Republican side as the Democrat side, not quite as much but almost as much, across socioeconomic lines, across agenda lines, and across age lines. You've seen 66% of Americans think that recreational cannabis should be legal right now across America, and when you break that down by various strata and you look at the cohort of 65 and older, these folks have doubled their amount of cannabis intake and purchasing in the last five years. So people over 65 have purchased twice the amount of cannabis in the last five years as they had prior to that because nobody remembers, or people should remember, that this is the Woodstock generation. These are people who grew up, who came of age, with cannabis when it was illegal, and now that it's legal again, they're rediscovering it, and they may be rediscovering it in flower form, but they also may be rediscovering it through beverages or sublinguals or edibles or a whole range of different intake methods.

Eric Huey: (12:17)
So this is something that transcends all age groups, and people up and down the socioeconomic scale. I think policymakers would be remiss if they don't catch onto this. America's already there, right? This train has left the station. We are past the tipping point. The only people who aren't there are a lot of state and federal policymakers who still, for some reason, can't quite get behind cannabis. But this is something that it's to their political disadvantage if they don't do it, particularly as you look at some of the key battleground states. You look at Ohio, 62%. Arizona, 62%. Even some states like Missouri, it's 52%. So these are places you wouldn't ordinarily expect, but America's there, so it's time for the policymakers to meet the people where they are.

Jason Wilson: (13:17)
America's there, apparently. That's an incredible statistic you have with respect to those 65 years old and older. I guess that explains-

Patrick Martin: (13:25)
Jason, can I-

Jason Wilson: (13:25)
... Martha Stewart coming out with Canopy.

Patrick Martin: (13:27)
Jason, I want to add something [inaudible 00:13:29] said because I think it's an incredibly important point. The conversation around is it a political disadvantage to do this before the election, I think punting on it could be a real political disadvantage, and Eric, for the reasons he just laid out, is exactly right. If you show the voters that we need to come out, that this isn't a priority or that we think it's too politically difficult, that really could hurt us, and I think that needs to get talked about just as much as what certain front-line members are saying about their fears about it.

Jason Wilson: (13:59)
Well, and the other thing, obviously, we're hearing loud and clear is social justice reform, right? So that's curious that you had another opportunity. And, again, I guess to your point, the MORE Act presents a great way to address some of those injustices. So, again, passing on it would seem to be a massive disservice. What's happening on the Hill with respect to social justice reforms? Is Congress actually doing enough? Can you get us up to speed a bit?

Patrick Martin: (14:30)
Sure. It was a busy summer in terms of the legislative process looking at some of these issues. The House of Representatives passed a policing reform bill that was written by the Congressional Black Caucus. It got some Republican votes as well. The Senate had their own process in coordination with the White House that was not able to produce a bill that passed. But the conversation has continued to be top of mind for lawmakers and the general public. We see news stories every week about policing issues that are causing great anxiety in communities all across this country, and I think there's a recognition, both on this issue of cannabis and legalization and on policing reform, that Congress needs to act and needs to do something to address the injustices that we all see. Unfortunately, just like we're seeing with the COVID relief bill, the politicians are not able to get on the same page and do this. It's unfortunate because it needs to happen now.

Eric Huey: (15:28)
And, Jason-

Jason Wilson: (15:28)
Eric, yeah, you had a lot to say on the matter before. What's your view?

Eric Huey: (15:32)
Building on Patrick's point, this is a critical issue in communities of color, right, where Black men are arrested at four times the rate of white men, despite only being 12% of the population. So if probable cause is the color of your skin and if the allegation of a police officer smelling marijuana is the pretense for that interaction with the police, if we could decriminalize that, we are going to stop disinvesting in an entire strata of people. We spend 3.5 billion dollars annually on marijuana enforcement. We arrest 600,000 people a year, disproportionately Black and brown, in this country in cannabis. Can you think of a bigger waste of resources than that? We've got real issues that we need to be tackling, and taking key members of our society out of public circulation over something that is legal in 33 states for medical and 11 states plus the District of Columbia for recreational, it's almost unthinkable. But it's morally unjustified, it's morally wrong, and I would posit that for politicians looking at this, there is a moral imperative for them to act.

Jason Wilson: (17:06)
David, from a business perspective, an industry perspective, how is the industry responding? You guys are a leader in the space. What are you seeing in this arena? How's the social justice reform enacting any kind of change?

David Culver: (17:19)
Yeah, well, first of all, I think that the comments that Eric and Patrick both made on this are so critically important. It's really easy for me, from a corporate perspective, to talk about what this could mean in terms of jobs, post-pandemic most likely, but post-pandemic and post-legalization, what those nationwide job numbers could look like, how this could help fill budget deficits in state capitols all across the country because we all know that they're growing exponentially, and just be a general new engine as we begin to restart this economy as we come out of the pandemic. But the harder thing for me to talk about is social justice. The harder thing for my company to talk about is social justice. But it's something that we do talk about every day. These two gentlemen that are with me, we are up on the Hill and in state capitols talking about this because you cannot have legalization without tackling that social justice piece of the puzzle. And the MORE Act does a very good job of that.

David Culver: (18:20)
Let me just share a personal story with you. I've got a little video series that I do every two weeks that's called Under the Canopy, and we primarily focus on Capitol Hill and on state regulators. And I'll give you a sneak peek into who's coming up next week. It's a woman that I spoke to that she was imprisoned for a nonviolent cannabis offense about four years after she graduated from college. She had a minor role in a distribution operation, again, no criminal record, and she was sentenced to 87 months in prison. Let me just pause for a minute, and you soak that in. 87 months, no criminal record, nonviolent cannabis offense. It's just alarming for me to listen to it. She had good behavior, she served five years of the sentence and was released. She had all sorts of issues related to reentry both personally and professionally. She is a person that experienced firsthand why the war on drugs does not work.

David Culver: (19:27)
And this type of story has got to end. We can't have this again, can't have these any more. I think that that's part of the reason why the MORE Act is so important, and I want her message, when we put it out there next week, to be the thing that the legislators hear first and foremost. Because it's easy, again, to talk about the jobs and the economic benefit, that's a no-brainer, but this part is hard. That's really what elected officials need to hear, and they need to have the courage to move this type of legislation to deal with this problem, and it's not easy, but it's what they need to do.

Eric Huey: (20:03)
And, Jason, every 30 seconds in America, somebody is arrested for a cannabis offense. We've been talking for about 20 minutes, so that means since we've started, 40 people across our country have been arrested for cannabis. And those people, they're going to have records that are not going to be expunged unless things like the MORE Act passes. So, again, this is a moral imperative.

Patrick Martin: (20:23)
And to put a finer point on what Eric just said, to address the issue we talked about on the last series we did, the people that Eric just referenced don't look like Eric and David and I. We don't know what that's like to be a person of color and to know that you're going to get unfairly targeted. Growing up in the Chicago suburbs, I have a lot of friends who would have broken taillights and cannabis in their car, and none of them ever got pulled over. This is unfairly policed, and we cannot have a conversation about criminal justice reform and policing reform in this country without addressing the issue of cannabis.

Jason Wilson: (20:59)
No, it's a continuation of massive repression. You mentioned 40 people since we've been speaking. That's 40 people times five, eight, 10 years. I mean, it's complete destruction of not just an individual's life but their family, sons, daughters, parents. It's unfathomable, actually. How can this not be a major part of the federal election? Looking at the Democratic Republicans, what are they saying? How big is this going to be with respect to the presidential race?

Patrick Martin: (21:35)
Well, I think the key thing to note about this particular presidential election, and we talked about it a little on our last series, you have two nominees for the major parties who are white 70-something [inaudible 00:21:49] who came of age at a time when this was viewed a lot differently. So you have to contend with that at the presidential level for how much coverage this issue is going to get among the two major candidates. But with the momentum of something like the MORE Act passing in the House of Representatives, with Vice President Biden's selection of Kamala Harris as his running mate, who has been a leader on this issue in Congress, and with the general public in the states that this has passed through ballot initiatives, state legislatures continuing to say, "We want to see change," this is truly going to be a grassroots movement issue, and the people are going to force the politicians to pay attention to this.

Patrick Martin: (22:32)
So I think it will continue to be an issue. You saw it in the primaries. This became a major issue for the Vice President because his position at the time was just not consistent with the other candidates, and I think that if he's fortunate enough to win in November, you're going to see that play out as he begins to govern.

Jason Wilson: (22:50)
So much momentum, so much at stake. David, does it really matter who's president? Is it really more about the Senate? Is that the roadblock here? There's all those magnanimous ... Whoever is in power are going to say, if it makes it all the way through to the president, are they just going to go, "Yes," or what's happening there?

David Culver: (23:09)
Well, I think that the momentum in the cannabis space is going to continue next year no matter who is president of the United States. My eyes are primarily on the US Senate, and you asked in your question there about if the Senate flips. I think that the Democratic leader, Senator Schumer from New York, has made it very clear that cannabis is going to be a priority for him, and if he's the leader next year and Nancy Pelosi stays speaker of the House, which all indicators point to the fact that she will, then I do think we're going to see some sort of full legalization package come out in the first six months and sent to the president's desk. I don't think it's unrealistic to say that at all.

David Culver: (23:55)
This is assuming, of course, that things stall this year. So action in the Senate related to the MORE Act, if it is to pass in September, is still unknown, and I'm not sure what kind of appetite they'll have. But I do think that if the political winds keep blowing as they are now and the Senate does flip, then we'll see something in the first six months. The big unknown, of course, is if it does arrive on Biden's desk or Trump's desk, do either one of them sign it? And to Patrick's point earlier, Biden's going to already have to start to think about his left flank when he gets on day one of being elected, both for the 2022 election and for his own reelect if he chooses to go that route. So he's going to need to protect himself from that left flank, and there's no better way to do it than with cannabis. We've already seen it, as referenced earlier in this chat, during the primaries because countless members were primaried from the left, and so many of them led with the cannabis issue.

David Culver: (24:53)
But we don't know exactly. My gut says that either one of these men that are president would go ahead and just stand out of the way and let it happen, if Congress chooses to act. Also, I should point out that at this point, in January of next year, let's say it takes Congress three or four months to act. We could legitimately be coming out of the pandemic, and either man would be looking for jobs and for tax revenue for state capitols, so cannabis is going to be a brand new industry and will generate a lot of both. So those are really the main things that are on my mind related to the Senate. Good question.

Jason Wilson: (25:31)
So regardless of the outcome and when it happens, obviously, it doesn't stop momentum at the state level, and notwithstanding what happens at the federal level, presumably it'd still be up to the states to legalize or not. Eric, what's happening on the ballot with respect to the state level?

Eric Huey: (25:47)
Well, you've got ballot initiatives in five states, and what's interesting is four of them are red and rural states. You've got Arizona, South Dakota, Montana, and Mississippi that all have ballot initiatives, and they're joined by New Jersey. Mississippi would legalize medical cannabis use. Montana, Arizona, and New Jersey already have legalized medical, and they would transition or add recreational use. And South Dakota would do them both at the same time. Particularly over the last 10 years in an era that is often marked by congressional intransigence if not inaction and gridlock, the states put themselves at the forefront, and you saw California lead on this issue very, very early and other states begin to follow. You also saw that on the gay marriage issue. As we said, 33 states have already enacted medical marijuana as legal, and 11 states plus the District of Columbia have legalized recreational cannabis.

Eric Huey: (26:55)
So when you look at the degree to which this has turned, you have to look no farther than Montana. Montana is hardly known as a blue coastal state. Nevertheless, four years ago, 60% of Montanans opposed legalizing cannabis in any form. Now, 54% of Montanans agree with the proposition that it should be available for recreational use in their state. That's in the span of four years. You've heard me joke, Jason, that Libertarians are just Republicans who smoke pot. This does cross party lines, and it crosses geographic lines as well. So I think in at least three of those states, Montana, Arizona, and New Jersey, the numbers are in the 50s and 60s, it's going to pass, right? Measure 65 in Mississippi, it's unclear. It's still Mississippi. And then ballot measure 26 and Amendment A in South Dakota, which are the medical and the recreational ballot measures, those are likely to pass in South Dakota. Then you're at a point where the overwhelming majority of the American people live in states where this is legal and the overwhelming majority of states have now legalized. So then, again, what is the federal government waiting for?

David Culver: (28:22)
Yeah. Jason, if I can add to that, just to reiterate the point that we've made previously. Eric just rattled off three red states, very red states, and the whole idea here is that if we can get states that are red to legalize, whether medical or recreationally, then it puts a lot of pressure on their federally-elected officials to follow suit. And you need to look no further than Senator Cory Gardner from Colorado, who has become a champion in the cannabis space but wasn't at the beginning of the process. So as more and more states tackle this, more and more red states, it's going to be more and more of a bipartisan issue and give those legislators more freedom to vote in favor of cannabis because their constituencies already want it.

Eric Huey: (29:07)
Yeah. And I would add, to build on David's point earlier about this being a win for the state coffers, these coffers have been decimated for tax revenues by the Coronavirus. When you look at the numbers involved, the projections for New Jersey alone are close to a billion dollars in sales by 2024, 800 million dollars in Arizona, even in South Dakota, you're looking at 200 million dollars. So the numbers are there, and in addition to tax revenues based off those sales, you're also, as David said, you're creating an industry and you're creating jobs. So there's a fiscal component to it, but there's also an investment component to this. And these jobs are not just going to take place in the large cities of the states, it's going to be throughout these smaller towns.

Patrick Martin: (29:57)
Yeah, look at what David's company accomplished in Smiths Falls, Ontario, which could be so similar to many industrialized cities in the US and the economic ecosystem that they've built. In the wake of COVID-19 and the continued changes that our economy has gone through from manufacturing to consumer and to technology, there is a crying out for some type of investment. This is going to be a real opportunity for them, and I think everyone is going to be open to ideas because we're at a time of tremendous economic change and recovery.

Jason Wilson: (30:31)
You hit it right on the head. Not just Smiths Falls in Ontario, what Canopy's done in upstate New York as well, honestly, very well.

Patrick Martin: (30:38)
Yeah.

Jason Wilson: (30:39)
One more question for you guys and we'll pass it over to John for Q&A. And it kind of touches on what we had with episode one, just shortly. The legislation that actually comes through, how it's shaped, what are we seeing for industry ... Call it industry unity, if you will. How are we making sure that whatever is passed as law is effective? Obviously, if you look at hemp in the Farm Bill, there's a lot of confusion there with respect to USDA, FDA, DA, what have you. What are we learning from that in the industry to prevent the same issues with respect to marijuana legalization?

David Culver: (31:27)
Yeah, Jason, that's a good question to conclude on. It's something that I harp on all day, every day, so I appreciate the question. I think that, first of all, we've seen a lot of really good collaboration within the industry and the advocacies related to the MORE Act. The addition of the 30-plus co-sponsors in the last three months was a big lift. I didn't know that we were going to be able to get over 100, and we're at 111, and I bet we get a bunch more before, hopefully, the vote next week. So that took a lot of unity to do that. But we still have multiple voices that are here in D.C. and also in state capitols. It would be better if we had a singular voice for the industry so that we can advocate with one voice related to the regulatory structure, all the pieces of that.

David Culver: (32:19)
There's so many parallels, but I see this as almost like the highway before they wrote the Highway Bill. You had the two trucking associations that were competing, and they came together as one, and they decided to merge because they knew they needed one singular voice to be effective. We could be in the position next year that the full legalization package goes through, if the political wins are right and you have the right leadership there. If that's the case, the industry must have a singular voice in order for us to get this right. Because if we don't get the regulatory structure right, if we don't get the social justice right, if we don't get the tax rate right, there's all sorts of things we're going to spend the next umpteen decades cleaning up the mess. So it's something I'm working on right now and I will continue to work on in preparation for next year.

Eric Huey: (33:11)
That's a critical question, and David's leadership on this at Canopy and Canopy's leadership has been incredible. The level of sophistication that they have brought to this entire industry has lifted the entire industry. But what we're seeing across the industry is a growing level of involvement and integration into the political process at the state and federal level. I think, five years ago, if you asked most policymakers what the cannabis industry looked like, they would say it looks like the parking lot at a Phish concern. Now, when they see it's more suits than ponytails, they say, "Wait a second, this is going to be a 56 billion dollar industry, it now employs a quarter million people, four times as many people as the coal industry? Wow, how do I get this in our state?" So there is a transformation both within the industry but also how the industry is perceived on Capitol Hill.

Jason Wilson: (34:02)
Excellent. Gentlemen, thank you a ton for your time, your views, your perspectives. As always, great to have you on. Just want to thank you before we go over to Q&A because we probably won't get a chance to sign off. But, John, I'll turn it over to you, answer any questions.

John Darsie: (34:18)
All right. So we have some great audience engagement so far. Reminder to anybody watching, if you have additional questions, you can post them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen within the Zoom window. Our first question is obviously from an enthusiastic supporter of cannabis legalization. They say the polling, the success you've seen in certain states, as well as citizen demand seems to be off the charts and it feels like the dam, from a public opinion perspective, is either getting ready to break or has already broken. How, as an individual in the country, can somebody become an activist and push for the type of change that they'd like to see within cannabis regulation? Are there specific steps that someone can take to push their local legislators or become part of this movement?

Patrick Martin: (35:02)
Absolutely. And that's a fantastic question and love the enthusiasm behind it. As advocates every day, David and Eric and I love to remind folks in what we do every day that we're exercising our First Amendment right. My wife was a high school government teacher for a long time, and we always talk about how high school students know many parts of the First Amendment, particularly the right to free speech. But at the very end of that amendment is the right to petition your government, and it is a constitutional obligation that all of us have. Some of us do it for a living. But as a citizen who is passionate about an issue, considering it not only your responsibility and your obligation, I think, is the first step.

Patrick Martin: (35:46)
So get involved with advocacy organizations that are promoting cannabis in your state and at the federal level. Write letters to your elected representatives. Make phone calls on behalf of politicians who are leading on this issue. And find as many possible ways, both in your public and private life, to get involved on behalf of the things you care about because it makes a huge difference. Eric brought up gay marriage earlier as just a nice example of an issue that sped up so quickly in terms of how the public viewed it and how policymakers viewed it, and that was years and years of work that ultimately came from ordinary citizens advocating on its behalf. That's what we're seeing in the cannabis industry. All of us are working very hard to do things like make sure that the MORE Act gets considered in Congress, but we would not be here if it weren't for the millions of Americans who have invested their time and energy into making this an important part of their lives.

David Culver: (36:44)
Go to house.gov, tell your congressman that you want he or she to co-sponsor the MORE Act, you want to see the House vote on it, you want to see the body pass this important bit of legislation. I agree with everything Patrick said, but in terms of this week and next, go to your website, go to house.gov, figure out who your member is if you don't know, contact them directly, and tell them this is important to you because your voice will resonate very loudly with them and their staff.

John Darsie: (37:13)
Eric, you have anything to add, or should we move onto the next question?

Eric Huey: (37:16)
Don't agonize, organize.

John Darsie: (37:18)
There you go. So we have a question from an audience member who seems to be a little bit less familiar with the space, and they're asking what percentage of the states that currently have legalized cannabis ... What is the breakdown of red versus blue states? And you alluded to this earlier, David, but do you think the shortfalls that we're seeing in state budgets is going to be the tipping point where we see a lot more Republican leadership in Congress and at the state level start supporting cannabis legalization frameworks?

David Culver: (37:48)
Yeah, I'll start with that question, and I can punt the rest of it back to Eric. I think he probably has the red to blue split better than I do. But the bottom line is that every single state, doesn't matter whether they're red, blue, or purple, is facing right now massive budget deficits because of the pandemic, and they're going to continue to grow, and they're going to have to do something about it. Just yesterday, actually, I was watching on CNN the governor from New Mexico talking about how cannabis could plug a massive hole in her state's budget deficit. So they're going to be looking under every single rock for money to fill that hole without raising taxes on those that are still suffering and struggling as a result of this pandemic, and I really think that it's something that every single governor is going to be looking at, and it doesn't matter what their politics are. Eric, you-

John Darsie: (38:39)
Governor Lujan Grisham, who you mentioned, from New Mexico, she's a close advisor of President Biden or Prospective President Biden, Vice President Biden, I should say. I don't want to get ahead of myself.

David Culver: (38:50)
Yeah, yeah.

John Darsie: (38:51)
She has his ear as well, so that could be another bullish data point for cannabis regulation.

David Culver: (38:56)
Yeah, for sure. I mean, listen, we'll let Eric comment on the red to blue split, but that's an important point because there are lots and lots of people that are around Vice President Biden right now that have been publicly supportive of full legislation and the social justice associated with it. And, again, Patrick made the parallels to marriage equality from 2008. They really do resonate again right now. And with that many people around him and so many in the party that are comfortable with cannabis as an issue, I don't see how the party doesn't embrace it further as time goes on. But, Eric, let me yield to you on the question on the red and the blue.

Eric Huey: (39:39)
Yeah. In New Mexico, the governor of New Mexico said the biggest mistake of her governorship so far is not legalizing cannabis last year so they could've gotten ahead of this Coronavirus epidemic, and just from a sheer revenue standpoint. In terms of where cannabis is legal for recreational use, it skews blue states. It's the northeast, it's the west, it's Michigan, it's Illinois, Colorado, and Washington, D.C. But when you look for medical use, it's very red state intensive. When you think about the opioid epidemic and the impact that that has had on my home state of West Virginia and other states like it, this is a way for people to deal with pain management and PTSD and a whole range of medical conditions without resorting to opioids.

Eric Huey: (40:38)
I think in those red states where we have seen movement by policymakers, that's come from a recognition that there's a medical component to this that's very real, that's been researched, and that's critical to their constituents. And, also, frankly, from a revenue and jobs perspective, they see this as a revenue, so the morality begins to fall away. And in my observation of the recent history of the Republican party, where money meets morality, money always wins. So I suspect that more red states will continue in the direction, the inexorable march of cannabis legalization.

Patrick Martin: (41:18)
And I would add where states implement medical programs, that ultimately leads to a conversation around adult use. The blue states that Eric named that have adult use programs, all of them have medical programs. This is just sort of human nature. Once people start to see something, they know a veteran in their community who uses the medical program, they know that it's helping a senior in their family deal with managing chronic pain, and they become more comfortable with it, a conversation around adult use doesn't seem as scary anymore. That's why we're so excited to see all of these red states consider medical programs because we know that that forward progress on cannabis, whether it's a medical program or adult use, is all positive movement forward for the movement.

John Darsie: (42:08)
I'll insert a personal anecdote into this. So my wife's family, let's just say they're not exactly Bernie Sanders supporters. There's a member of her family that has cerebral palsy, and they were very hesitant to start using cannabis-based products to start treating some of the brain hyperactivity and other issues that he had. But once they started doing it and they listened to a couple doctors that prescribed some cannabis-oriented products, it's done wonders for his quality of life, and they are full believers in cannabis-oriented products for medical use. It's been a fantastic benefit to him and their family.

David Culver: (42:44)
Yeah. I appreciate you sharing that story because I think it's such an important one. As we begin to normalize this product across the country, this is not a partisan issue. Forget about what your politics are. If it's helping people physically with an ailment that they have, then it's something that it doesn't matter what your politics are, whether you vote for Biden or whether you want to vote for Trump. So I think that one of the most important things that Congress can also do, and they took the first step earlier this month by passing a research bill that was slightly amended that would allow for states that have legalized to let researchers use that plant material versus just the material coming out of Mississippi, which is problematic in a number of ways, as you've read about in the newspapers for many, many years. So we're excited about that, and we hope Congress gets that through. That then opens the door even further for more and more research into areas that can help people all across the country.

John Darsie: (43:47)
So I'm going to ask you guys a tough question here. We have a cannabis skeptic on the call who's asking whether there have been studies and what current studies show in terms of health problems that could grow out of recreational cannabis use and possible declines in productivity. What's the latest data, and what are the costs of more widespread cannabis use, and would legalization even lead to more widespread recreational use, for example?

Patrick Martin: (44:13)
Yeah, I think all of us recognize the importance of making sure that health and wellbeing is a central part of the discussion with legalization. You've heard the Vice President continue saying his position. He wants it to be studied more, and David talked about Congress acting on the research bill. I think all of us are of the belief that legalizing and regulating a product that we already know Americans are using is the most important thing we can do to ensure the consumers are abiding by the rules that will make sure that health is a part of the consideration. You don't want a world in which people are just using products and they aren't regulated in the way that they should be.

Patrick Martin: (44:58)
So what David in particular at Canopy spends so much time doing is working with policymakers to say, "We want to do this in the right way, in a safe way." We're learning more every day about the product and the benefits that it has, but you can't do that when it's not legal. So I think that's a really important part to all of us. And it's a great question.

David Culver: (45:22)
John, I can just add to that, too, that there are a number of products, and I'll pick on our beverages, that are coming to market that these have no impact on the liver whatsoever, they have no hangover, they have no calories. So there's a lot of innovation that's coming onto the market that is very much in contrast to beverage alcohol and tobacco, just to add that quick point to what Patrick said earlier.

Eric Huey: (45:50)
There's an aggressive testing regime in all the states where cannabis is legal, and the only food entity or anything else that hits these standards is baby food, right? So this is rigorously tested across seven or eight different data points, from microbials to fungus to pesticides, and they have very, very rigorous standards, standards that are so tough, sometimes, the reason that a product like a beverage may fail is because of the other ingredients, the chocolate or the barley in the foodstuff itself. So this is an industry that's highly, highly regulated, and the states have gotten this right. Any fears of any adverse health effects are not borne out by any studies or the regulatory regime.

Patrick Martin: (46:44)
That's such an important point. All of the companies we work with recognize the need for a federal regulatory structure for it to be safe, for the products to be safe, for them not to get into the hands of kids. But we have products, food, beverages, things that are legal in this country, that provide absolutely no benefit other than enjoyment. Cannabis has real benefits for patients and for users. That is what makes it so different than a lot of the other products that it gets lumped in with, is the way that it helps some of the people that I named, seniors that are managing pain, veterans who are dealing with anxiety. John, the story you told about the person in your family with cerebral palsy, I can't think of a lot of other products that we're talking about in the regulatory space that help people in that way.

John Darsie: (47:31)
All right, well, we'll leave it there. It's a fascinating conversation. We look forward to continuing this series and hopefully continuing on the road to, as I mentioned before, the dam breaking, if it hasn't already broken, in terms of everyone getting on board with the myriad benefits of cannabis legalization. So we hope to have you guys on in a year's time talking about the landscape now that things have been legalized. But in the meantime, we'll continue to inform our audience about what the implications could be if we can get that legalization taken care of here, hopefully in the next six to 12 months. But thanks, everybody, for joining. Thank you, Jason, for hosting. You have any final word for any of our participants, Jason?

Jason Wilson: (48:10)
No. Just again, thanks for joining me, and hopefully your messaging, everyone is supportive, gets out to their appropriate representative, and we start enacting change. We need it right now.

Brian Stelter: “Hoax: Donald Trump, Fox News & the Dangerous Distortion of Truth” | SALT Talks #53

“What is written, what is perceived, what is covered on the air is not always reflective of what’s going on in society.“

Brian Stelter is the anchor of “Reliable Sources,” which examines the week’s top media stories every Sunday at 11:00am ET on CNN. He’s also the network’s Chief Media Correspondent. His new book, Hoax: Donald Trump, Fox News, and the Dangerous Distortion of Truth, tells the twisted story of the relationship between Donald Trump and Fox News.

“Fox News is now the beating heart of the pro-Trump media world.” Leadership at Fox initially didn’t align with Trump: Rupert Murdoch was deeply critical of the President, and Roger Ailes was backing Jeb Bush. The network’s transition was largely fueled by a vacuum of leadership post-Ailes and the commercial incentives of being the President’s network of choice.

The internet changed how we interacted with the news. “It made us all our own publishers.” There’s an obvious benefit to a diverse ecosystem of thought, and bad-faith actors playing to extremes take advantage of it. Trump and his media outlets are then able to go out and tell a powerful, compelling story about the “deep state” and white victimhood, but in the end, “it doesn’t add up.”

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Brian Stelter.jpeg

Brian Stelter

Anchor, Reliable Sources

CNN

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Joe Eletto: (00:07)
Hello everyone, welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is Joe Eletto and I am the production manager of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum and networking platform encompassing finance, technology, and geopolitics. SALT Talks is a series of digital interviews with the world's foremost investors, creators, and thinkers. Just as we do at our global SALT events, we aim to empower big, important ideas as well as provide our audience a window into the minds of subject matter experts.

Joe Eletto: (00:35)
We are really excited today to welcome Brian Stelter, to SALT Talks. Brian is the anchor of Reliable Sources, which examines the week's top media stories every Sunday at 11:00AM Eastern on CNN, as well as the chief media correspondent for CNN Worldwide. Prior to joining CNN in November of 2013, Stelter was a media reporter at the New York Times where he covered television and digital media for the business day and art section of the newspaper. He was also a lead contributor to the Media Decoder blog. Stelter published the New York Times best selling book, Top of the Morning, inside the cutthroat world of morning TV, about the competitive world of morning news shows. He is a consultant on Apple's drama, The Morning Show, which is inspired by this book. He was featured in the 2011 documentary, Page One: Inside the New York Times, directed by Andrew Rossi. He was also named the Forbes magazine's 30 Under 30: Media, for three consecutive years.

Joe Eletto: (01:31)
If you have any questions for Brian during today's talk, please enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen. And now I'll turn it over to Anthony Scaramucci, who's the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge, as well as the chairman of SALT, to conduct today's interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:46)
So Brian, that's one of the things I didn't know about your resume, the 30 Under 30. I had been submitting an application for 30 Under 30 for the last 30 years to no avail. So we can talk about that at another time, but I have to tell you, because I've lived a portion of this book and obviously I was in and out of the Trump administration, spent nine months on the campaign. Full disclosure, was a paid presenter on the Fox News channel where I was the host of [crosstalk 00:02:14] week.

Brian Stelter: (02:13)
It's in the book. That's right.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:16)
And I've got to tell you, I loved reading the book. It was very clarifying to me. We're going to get into the book in a second. But for those of us that are getting to know Brian Stelter away from the television, away from Reliable Sources, and your reporting on CNN, tell us something about yourself that we couldn't find on a Wikipedia page. How did you grow up? Why did you get into this? Why did you take this arc in terms of a career?

Brian Stelter: (02:46)
Well I've always been a news junkie, and that's probably on Wikipedia. So I'm thinking of something that's not on Wikipedia. I'm also a big weather junkie, a big weather nerd. I was just talking about this with my wife Jamie the other day, because when Hurricane Sally was coming ashore, there was a part of me that wants to go out and be that correspondent that's getting blown around in the wind and the rain. And I did do it once before. I was on the weather channel once doing this and I was re-watching the video recently and showing it to my daughter and saying, "Daddy wants to go do that someday." which just speaks to my obsession with news and my love for news. I want to be wherever that story is.

Brian Stelter: (03:24)
And when it comes to Fox News, they've got great hurricane correspondents. They've got great people who go out and stand in the storm and tell you what's going on, just like CNN does. But one of the problems, one of the differences with Fox, is that they don't value and respect the news division the way that CNN does. So that's one of the many reasons I think that I was interested in writing about Fox is how the place has changed. But look, whether it's Fox or CNN or another channel, I think it'd be fun to go out and do that some day. I guess that's something people don't know about me. I'm a big weather junkie, big weather nerd, and in general, just obsessed with how the news works and doesn't work. I mean you probably know better than I that what is written, what is perceived, what is covered on air, it's not always reflective of what's really going on and that's a challenge for us in the media to try and get it right, be more careful, more right, and get to the truth every day.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:20)
So I mean I'm going to hold the book up for everybody. The book is called Hoax, it's a international bestseller, and it is a riveting account of what is going on at Fox, but also an account of what's going on in the age of mass information. So I want to ask you something intellectually first, then we're going to talk a little about the book. I would have thought with the proliferation of blogging, social media, the proliferation of media itself, we would have had more accuracy in the facts. Man, did I get that wrong. We have way more distortion of the facts, way more real fake videos, way more, I don't like calling it fake news but you get the point, that there's a distortion happening. There's almost a prism that depending on where you're coming from and what segment of the population you're coming from, you're seeing the news through that distorted prism. Can you explain sociologically or from a commercial perspective why you think that evolved in this era?

Brian Stelter: (05:25)
Well certainly the internet changed everything. The internet enabled all of us to be our own publishers, it allowed me to create a blog, and then get hired by the New York Times, and then get hired by CNN. So there's these incredible benefits from having this healthier, more diverse media ecosystem. However, the algorithms and the other tools that we use to navigate and get through this internet universe, are primed to encourage sensational, crazy, outrageous content. And we see more and more bad faith actors playing to those extremes, especially on the right, especially in this narrative that Trump is always right and everything else is fake, all the news is fake, or it could be a hoax. So I say it's partly gained by algorithms, but it's partly about human desires to hear a simple, consistent narrative or story.

Brian Stelter: (06:20)
I think what Trump and his media allies do is they tell a pretty powerful story over and over again, although it has a lot of holes in it and doesn't really add up. It's a story about the deep state, it's a story about White victim-hood, about grievance politics, about the world all against Trump. And this is a story that Fox tells every day, and it's a really compelling story although it doesn't really add up. And by telling that story they are excusing so many of the President's errors and mistakes and misrepresentations, and they are defending the indefensible when the President re-tweets someone saying that Joe Biden is a pedophile. That should be called out by all good people, and it's not because we're in these alternative universes and so tribal. And I do think the internet has a lot to do with that increased polarization.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:08)
So the subtitle of your book is The Dangerous Distortion of the Truth. And you write in the book, and I don't want to give the book away, the book is such a powerful read and I don't need to demonstrate to you that I've read the book, we can have that conversation after SALT Talk.

Brian Stelter: (07:24)
You already did, actually.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:25)
But I just have to tell you that it's a phenomenal book, and I don't want to give it away because I want people to read it. But we both know that the Fox News organization, President Trump himself was a fan of it, he was showing up frequently on the morning show Fox & Friends. But it's not necessary that the suits, the executives of Fox were fans of Donald Trump in the beginning. So tell us a little bit about that part of the story.

Brian Stelter: (07:53)
Yeah, I do think you have to go back five years. And in order to understand what Fox is today and what the pro Trump media universe is today, you have to understand five years ago. Fox is now the beating heart of the pro-Trump media world. Fox is it pumps out blood that goes all throughout the body and influences the Breitbarts and the Daily Callers, and it influences the president. It's the beating heart. But it was not always that way. In 2015, Rupert Murdoch was deeply critical of Donald Trump. He said, "When is he going to stop embarrassing his friends and the entire world?" Roger Ailes was skeptical of Trump. He saw Trump as a great television performer but Ales kind of wanted Jeb Bush. He was a Bush guy in the beginning.

Brian Stelter: (08:33)
So there was this dissent or this skepticism about Trump, but there was also this sense early on that the Fox audience was pulling for Trump, that the Fox base was Trump's base, that there was this alliance of sorts or this overlap of sorts. And there was this fear of taking off the Trump Fox base and having those viewers start to go elsewhere. So there has been this kind of Trump takeover of Fox that didn't happen overnight, didn't happen right away, didn't happen all in one fell swoop, but it happened. And it happened because it's what the audience wanted, it's because there was a lack of clear leadership after Ailes was force out, it's because that's what the commercial incentives were, the commercial imperatives were. It's incredibly profitable to be the nation's pro-Trump network. It is also incredibly misleading sometimes. And it was dangerous when the pandemic started when the channel was downplaying the virus. So I think those commercial incentives are really critical to the story about why the network gradually came under Trump's spell.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:36)
Well [crosstalk 00:09:37]

Brian Stelter: (09:36)
But you were there at the time. Am I getting that right? I mean you were there in 2016.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:43)
No, well I think you're getting it right, but I'm going to make an admission now which doesn't reflect well on me. I think what happens is you're in that echo chamber and you're in the ecosystem and you're not fully picking up the reality distortion until you leave the echo chamber and the ecosystem. And that's why I said to you and I'm going to give it away now, of all the sentences in this book, page 121, the sentence which is quintessential and it really resonated with me Brian, it says here on the bottom of the page, it says, "Call Cameron. Just couldn't take it anymore." And I think that that is a resonance of what's going on as it relates to President Trump and what's going on, as it relates to Fox News and what's going on in the society right now. It's not clear to me that the society wants to be this divided. And since you talk about it, I'll address is here.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:38)
Roger Ailes had this unstinting message. He grew up in Warren, Ohio. He has this hey-geography of America. This is the Happy Days America of Arthur Fonzarelli and Richie Cunningham. And it's a mid-Western America. And he wanted to sort of reclaim that for America. And there's a tribal perspective in that because the great irony is you're shooting the light through that prism and you're shooting it on the wall, and you're presenting an America frankly that never existed that Richie Cunningham, Arthur Fonzarelli America. You were just getting African Americans on the sports field in the 1950s. Jackie Robinson was 1947. And you still had people separated in school systems and being discriminated in lunch counters. So America is always a nation in progress with tremendous flaws, but there's Roger Ailes in an effort white-washing if you will, I think that's a appropriate term, pun intended, white-washing the society. And so let's go back to the Iraq war. Fox News had a big role in the Iraq war, did it not Brian?

Brian Stelter: (11:47)
Yes. I think it did. I think post 9/11 Fox became the number one cable news channel. Ailes was secretly sending advice to the Bush White House, and provided cover from the right flank, especially the post invasion as the occupation came into obviously serious trouble. The cheerleaders like Sean Hannity were critical to maintaining some support for the Bush presidency and for explaining away the lies and misinformation about the Iraq war. But compared to today, that version of Fox is so much more moderate. I think every turn Fox takes is a right winged turn over the years, over the 24 years it has been on the air. And I try to document that in the book.

Brian Stelter: (12:36)
Take it for example during the Obama years, Roger Ailes was a birther. He believed Obama was born in Africa. But he didn't let his talent go off and go full birther. He did let Trump call in and say those things. But he didn't want Bill O'Reilly out there pushing the birther smear. He wanted his talent to be seen as fair and balanced, to at least be seen as someone moderate and not be compared to QAnon or Alex Jones. And so I think that's what's missing now. The channel is more extreme now in terms of the content than it was in the Ailes years for a variety of reasons. But that's one of the reasons, because Ailes was trying to keep some level or some measure of control. And I think that's important in the context of Trump because Trump was able to kind of take power, not literally of Fox, but metaphorically of Fox.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:34)
But here we are today, President Trump is now starting to turn a little bit on Fox. He refuses to bend to its polling data. Every time they throw up a polling data that he doesn't like the narrative of, he goes bazonkazoid on Twitter. And so my question to you is, is he turning on Fox? Is it just a few pundits now? Has Fox turned on President Trump? Some of the punditry there?

Brian Stelter: (14:02)
I think it's a tug of war between news and propaganda. And the propaganda side usually wins. There's more of an audience for the talk shows. There's more electricity around the shows. But occasionally Trump will see the newscasts, he'll see the news anchors, and he'll get ticked off. And he lashes out about the news coverage because he doesn't want news on Fox. He only wants propaganda. So I think when we see him tweeting anti-Fox things, he's working the refs, same way he did in 2016, trying to have less news, more propaganda, and trying to downplay the Fox polling unit which is really well respected, and promote the talk shows instead. I think it's that tactic that is kind of tired, but it still kind of registers with some of his fans. Then the news anchors get hate mail.

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:50)
Has it co-opted the editorial content of Fox, his tirades? Has Trump's Twitter tirades...

Brian Stelter: (14:57)
I think people are very aware of it at Fox. I mean the real reason I wrote Hoax is because I was hearing from so many sources at Fox who were frustrated by the network and what has happened and how Trump feels like he's in charge, or how he has hijacked the network in some ways. And what a lot of those staff first said was the incentive structures are all wrong. So if you're a news anchor or a correspondent at Fox and you just want to report the news and oftentimes the news is about Trump's chaos and scandals and controversies, you feel you can't do that. You feel pressure. You feel powerless is really the word. You feel powerless to do that. The news feels suffocated at Fox and the propaganda feels promoted.

Brian Stelter: (15:35)
And there's some really specific examples of that. Carl Cameron who's on the record in the book talking about how the news cast didn't really want packages, they didn't really want reports. They'd rather just have conversations with panels. And by the way, I mean Fox is not the only network where that's true sometimes, but it's very true at Fox according to Cameron. I have other correspondents in the book who said they all had their, "I can take it anymore." moments where they don't want to be on there defending child separations, they don't want to be on there defending Trump's comments about Charlottesville. So these different people at Fox had these breaking points, and the ones who stayed, either they agree with everything that's happening or they fear they can't find a job elsewhere, or they want to make the place better from the inside. So there's all these incentives for staying as well.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:23)
So have you ever thought about working at Fox in your illustrious career? Has that ever come up?

Brian Stelter: (16:29)
I don't think they would be interested in me. But let me put it this way. I think anybody at Fox who if you could have an hour that's devoted to fact checking and debunking a lot of the nonsense that's in prime time... I turn on Fox & Friends and most mornings, the narrative is like this. "The cities, there's violence in the cities." And of course that's true. Crime is up in some areas including in New York City. But the way it's presented it makes it sound like New York City is a hell hole. It makes it sound like all of Portland is on fire. It makes it sound like all of Seattle is a disaster area. And that narrative, that's damaging. That hurts New York City, it hurts Portland, it hurts the people in these cities. And if I had an hour where I could push back on all that, it would be hard to turn that down. But I don't think they're calling offering that. I don't think there's interest in that. Shep Smith was trying to do it and Shep left.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:27)
Yeah. No, no. And I got that. Shep is over at CNBC, and I think it's a good home for him. But I guess the reason I'm asking you that is because... Again, this is just my opinion. I think there's a civil war going on inside of Fox. You definitely talk about it in the... there's a civil war between the facts, the fact checkers, responsible journalism, and full on political punditry that literally they're mental gymnastics at night trying to explain what President Trump is doing. I've told people, "I'm watching them 8:00 to 11:00 at night. They're telling me that Trump is playing four dimensional chess, he's sitting at the table eating the chess pieces. So I don't understand how they can get away with that.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:12)
And since you mentioned Sean Hannity, I want to bring him up, and full disclosure, I'm friends with Sean, I've known Sean a long time, although we haven't talked recently because I'm one side of the ideas objectively in my opinion about Donald Trump, and he's on another side of the ideas in his mind objectively about Donald Trump. So we chose to agree to keep our friendship and not get into political jousting. But you have a fascinating relationship with Sean Hannity. Nd you talk about it in the book which I find fascinating. So describe your relationship for our SALT Talk listeners.

Brian Stelter: (18:48)
Yeah, yeah. I felt like I needed to disclose it a little bit.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:49)
Yeah. So describe it to people.

Brian Stelter: (18:49)
I felt like I needed to explain in the book that I had been covering Fox for 16 years, and I know these players. Hannity was really friendly to me as I was growing up in this business, when I was at the New York Times. He gave me great advice when I joined CNN. I would say that was a friendly relationship until the Trump presidency, until 2017. As I'm sure everybody on this Zoom session has an example of a friendship or a relationship that has been strained or ruined by the Trump presidency. And that's true for me with folks at Fox. Tucker Carlson is another example. He was a big supporter of my blog, he put me on TV when he had a show on MSNBC, we had a relationship over the years. Now he's on TV calling me a eunuch. And it's, "What happened Tucker? I don't think I've changed. I think you changed. I think you changed based on your audiences demands. You're trying to feed this increasingly radicalized audience."

Brian Stelter: (19:48)
And that's the uncomfortable part about a lot of this. I'm not saying every Fox viewer is radical. They clearly are not. Fox has a big audience and has lots of different kinds of people that watch. But there's a base that doesn't want to hear the reality of what's happening in the Trump Whit House. And these hosts feel pressure to serve that base, and I think maybe it's not possible to still have a friendly relationship with these guys when they feel those pressures.

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:12)
Well I mean one of the problems is, and I'm going to editorialize, get myself into trouble with probably half of our SALT Talk participants. But if you're into full blown demagoguery you've got to go 13 for 10 for the demagogue. If you go seven for eight for the demagogue you're called an unstable nut job on Twitter. I mean you've been called some tough names. I got called an unstable nut job by the President of the United States. I mean I wear it like a badge of honor, but I'm just saying my point being is that they're literally being watching by him. They're playing to an audience of one. Bill Barr is playing to an audience of one, he's comparing slavery to the closures and lockdowns during a pandemic. I don't know. I don't think that's appropriate but I'm sure the president liked it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:55)
And so that's the cycle, that's the dilemma that we're in. You do a great job of describing that as well.

Brian Stelter: (21:02)
Thanks.

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:02)
You say something interesting about the president. I want you to react to this. You say that he's not going to be confused as a great orator but his simplified style of communication is resonating. So what do you think makes him effective as a communicator and a politician? Describe for our listeners the essence of how he became this successful.

Brian Stelter: (21:25)
Well I think we have to appreciate what does work and learn from it. And I'm surprised that more candidates haven't learned from some of Trump's techniques. His ability to tell stories. Usually it's a version of the same story at every rally but it's a storytelling mechanism. It's an attempt to bring people to his side by involving them in his stories. It's obviously the repetition of certain simple slogans over and over again. We all know that with, "Build a Wall." That's obvious.

Brian Stelter: (22:01)
Where I sometime think I've fallen down on the job is not try to meet people where they are and say, "I see what's appealing. I see some of the reasons why either Trump is appealing or a democratic candidate is appealing. I see it. Let me meet you half way and then talk about it." Same with Fox. I see what's appealing about Fox and the way it's produced and the topic selection, the choice of narrative. As a viewer I get it, I watch a lot of it. I understand why it's appealing. Let me met you half way and then let's talk about why it's discouraging that they misinform Trump and then he misinforms the country, and why that's a bad thing. But then I can see the appeal of the show.

Brian Stelter: (22:39)
It's almost Trump leads a hate movement against the media. And I'm not saying we need a love movement but we might. We might need something like that that gets us a little more connected to our common humanity. That's way to fantastical, isn't it Anthony?

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:55)
Unless something crazy happens to the institutions of our democracy, the Trump era is going to end in 100 days, or it's going to end in four years plus 100 days. And so what happens to the Trump acolytes and what happens to the future of Fox News in a post-Trump world?

Brian Stelter: (23:16)
It's a big question and it's being debated inside Fox. Will he launch his own network? Will he try to rival Fox? I think the answer is no. I think that's a lot harder to do than people appreciate. But I wonder if he'll be on the radio. I wonder if he'll want a radio show if he loses the election. I wonder if he'll want a show on Fox. I wonder how much audience there would be for someone who is branded a loser after having a winning brand for decades. I think Fox will be just fine in any of those scenarios because the channel is more anti-democrat than it is pro-Trump. It's more anti-Biden than it is pro-Trump. But I saw Leon in the Q&A said, "Is Fox afraid if he loses he'll start aa competing network?" I don't know if people are afraid but there's definitely some concern about it, people talk about it as a possibility, they wonder if it would happen, and certainly folks close to the Murdochs have talked about this and gamed our those scenarios too.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:17)
So why don't we do that? Let's go to some of the Q&A Joe. I mean we've got a lot of questions populating. Some of these are quite interesting.

Joe Eletto: (24:25)
Absolutely do. This is a very active Q&A which is what we had expected. So this is great.

Brian Stelter: (24:31)
I was just peeking over there. That's why I brought it up. [crosstalk 00:24:33]

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:33)
Yeah. No, I love it. That keeps bringing them back Brian, okay? The fact that we answer all their questions when they come on.

Joe Eletto: (24:42)
Something to start with, I want to go back to social media is fake news, alternative facts, and what that social media is now checking some of Trump's tweets, his branding things as distorted media. What role in propagating fake news and stories such like Joe Biden playing Despacito but them putting on a different song, and people not really checking. What role does that have in creating and forwarding this narrative that let's say, a regular viewer of Fox News or maybe OAN has about the president and what he's doing?

Brian Stelter: (25:18)
Yeah. OAN makes Fox look like ABC. OAN is much further to the right, but also much, much, much lower rated. Fox has an incredible monopoly on the right wing audience. Newsmax, OAN, they try but they just can't come close. I think Twitter and Facebook are taking these baby steps, and maybe it looks like they're taking big, gigantic steps, but they're really just baby steps in terms of how much misinformation and bull is out there. But by taking these baby steps they can be held accountable because we can point to their actions and say, "You did this for X, why haven't you don't that for Y?" So it's useful I think when we see these companies taking action because it gives us a baseline to compare it with and to judge in the future.

Brian Stelter: (26:00)
I personally think these labels they're putting on Trump's tweets are kind of a joke. Trump will tweet, "Mail in ballot is a fraud. Don't believe it. Blah, blah, blah." And then the label will say something like, "Get the facts about mail in ballots." And you can't fight fire with that kind of ice. I don't think that works. But again, they are taking steps. That's a lot more than they were doing in 2016. I remember saying fake news on TV for the first time in October, 2016 because there were these actually fake stories. That's the term before Trump used, it was a term for actually fake stories that were all over Facebook making up smears about Clinton. And, God, I kind of wish I hadn't said the term because by December of that year, Trump hijacked it.

Joe Eletto: (26:41)
Absolutely. So going off of that, I mean do you think once Trump leaves office, whether it's in 100 days or four years and 100 days as Anthony said, how do you restore the standard of truth in American society, or at least the news media? Or is the horse out of the barn, and we're just in a place where people are going to accept multiple different routes of getting to the same fact?

Brian Stelter: (27:03)
Yeah. Look, I think a diverse media ecosystem is a good thing. So having lots of sites and lots of sources and lots of options is good. It's when some of those sites are total rubbish, they are garbage, they are disinformation trying to hurt the American people, that's where we have a problem. And QAnon gets thrown around as an example of this. But there are lower level examples of this as well where there's just a lot of low quality information out there, and on your Facebook feed it looks like it's the same quality as CNN or the New York Times. And that's a fundamental problem. I wish Fox would strengthen its news operation so there was more high quality information coming from a trusted right wing source, but that doesn't seem to be in the cards right now.

Brian Stelter: (27:46)
I think to answer the question more directly, most Americans see through the fog. Most Americans see through the distortions. There is though this minority of the country that's so distrusting of institutions, and distrusting of news outlets and all that. They seem to only put their trust in Trump and Trump's allied media outlets, and that doesn't go away when Trump leaves office in January or in January of 2025. That doesn't go away. And I don't have great answers for what that audience looks to next, or what that audience does or what they gravitate toward.

Brian Stelter: (28:17)
But I think all of us individually have a little bit of a role to play. The people in our lives who think Joe Biden is a pedophile or feel good saying that on their social media pages, the people in our lives who align with crazy concepts like that, and not really crazy, hateful. It's really about hate. Saying that about Joe Biden is really about hate. It's about fear and hate of the other side. I think we have to figure out how to talk to those individuals in our lives who feel that way and figure out how to pull them toward higher quality sources. It's not about pulling them toward left wing sources. It's about pulling them toward higher quality sources of news that come from the right or the left or anywhere else.

Joe Eletto: (29:03)
Absolutely. So another question about sort of in the anchor's role or the reporter's role, how are you able, a book you're able to be subjective, you're able to put in your own thoughts about the current occupant of the White House. But when you get onto CNN you need to be impartial. You need to be presenting facts. And there can be somewhat of an editorial nature. But it's mostly, "Here are the facts. You do with them what you will." How do you balance that? I mean I guess we were talking about other anchors that we don't need to refer to again, but how do you balance that desire to show people what you see as the truth, and presenting facts and wondering what people are going to do with those facts after they turn off the television?

Brian Stelter: (29:43)
Yeah. I think what I do on CNN, there's different labels for it. What I would say is trying to tell the truth sometimes with a point of view, and that point of view is, "What's reliable? What's believable? What's factual? And how can we cut through all the noise and get to the news?" And that sometimes comes in the form of these monologues that lots of CNN anchors are doing where you try to say, "Hey, here's what the president said, here's the reality, here's the contradiction, here's the clip." and string it along in the form of an essay or a monologue.

Brian Stelter: (30:17)
We're doing a lot of those on TV and sometimes I hear from viewers who say, "It's opinion." And I say, "It's not opinion. It's not based on feelings. And we're not pushing to endorse a policy. This isn't about the earned income tax credit or about abortion rights. We're not lobbying for policy positions. We're just talking about decency and truth. And democracy." And that I think is privily fair for news outlets to speak about and push for. Push for truth and honesty in politics. That's not partisan. So I think that's what we should be doing and we will keep doing is pushing for that.

Joe Eletto: (30:55)
Absolutely. So we actually had a question come in from someone who was a previous SALT Talk guest. Piggybacking off of this, so if you launched your own Brian Stelter news organization, whatever we're going to call it, how would you combat the current dangers of information, lies, propaganda? Would you have a segment like that where you start off with a monologue? Or what would that look like for you?

Brian Stelter: (31:16)
Right. It depends on the medium I suppose if it's online or on TV or elsewhere. I think we should root this in what the audience wants. The question you'd ask is, "What does the audience want and need?" I don't know about you all, but most of the people in my life don't know what the heck to believe. They see all sorts of smears and crazy things on the internet, and they want to be guided toward reliable sources, aha, of information. So I think in that scenario, calling it like it is, is essential. When the president has a great victory we should call that what it is. But when he lies about Joe Biden, we should call that what it is. Maybe Call It What It Is, is a good brand name for a news outlet. I don't know.

Brian Stelter: (31:59)
But I think that kind of personal connection where you can call it out what it is, I think that's appealing, I think that's what the audience wants. And then the only thing I would say is provide primary source material. Provide the evidence so people can see it for themselves so that they're not believing me or believing anybody else, they're believing their own eyes. One of the worst things Trump has done is he has tried to get people not to believe their own eyes. He has told people that everything could be a hoax. And that has done damage it's going to take time to repair, but we can repair it by bringing people to the own original data, and see the proof for themselves.

Joe Eletto: (32:34)
Yeah. I remember. That was very 1984 when that quote came out.

Brian Stelter: (32:38)
Right.

Joe Eletto: (32:39)
So concerning to COVID quickly, I know we're bumping up against time. But, so Fox followed largely the president's script in downplaying the seriousness of COVID-19 I guess until the Woodward tapes came out. But pre-Woodward, were pretty much in lockstep with the president and what he was saying about the pandemic. What are other examples of situations where the inability of the American people to trust the president and the most watched news outlet in the country could lead to major problems? So there are past examples of this or things that you see potentially in the future?

Brian Stelter: (33:14)
Yeah. The pandemic is the strongest and in some cases the worst example because it's the most painful example. It's a life and death example. There's a lot of blame to go around for what went wrong in February and March, and I say that very clearly in the beginning of Hoax. A lot of blame to go around with [inaudible 00:33:27] Now there are media outlets even. But Fox had the biggest cable platform and Trump had the biggest presidential platform. And so by downplaying the pandemic, by making it seem political, not medical, that did real damage. I think there are other examples in the book from earlier in the Trump presidency of times when he gets misled by Fox, and then he misleads the country and that hurts everybody.

Brian Stelter: (33:48)
One example is when we end up having a government shutdown driven largely by right wing media demanding Trump take a firmer stance on the border wall. There's even, if you look back in 2017, the seeds of the Ukraine scandal which led Trump to be impeached, are sown on Fox. They are kind of laid out on Fox, and then farmed years later. So there has been a bunch of these example of times when Fox is trying to help Trump, but they're actually hurting Trump. Or by following his script, and downplaying the pandemic, hurting their own viewers. And by the way, that's not coming from me. That's coming from staff inside Fox who said things like, "What we did was hazardous to our viewers. What we did was dangerous. These were kind of whistle blowers inside who were saying, "This went really wrong." And that's why the book is called Hoax. We were going to call this Wingmen because Trump has lots of wingmen at Fox, and but when Trump and Hannity use the word Hoax by decrying the democrats' politicization of the virus, we named the book Hoax for that reason.

Anthony Scaramucci: (34:46)
You were dying to call it Wingnuts but your editor told you you couldn't call it a wing nut [crosstalk 00:34:50]

Brian Stelter: (34:50)
Actually John Avlon wrote a book called Wingnuts, and I couldn't do wingnuts. Wingmen is what I think he has-

Anthony Scaramucci: (34:57)
I remember John's book.

Brian Stelter: (34:59)
And by the way, if those wingmen were giving him the highest quality information, challenging him with new perspectives, challenging his priors, there wouldn't be a book to write. But because what happens is Fox & Friends puts up a banner that's full of crap, and the president reads it and then tweets it, and then spreads it across the country, that's really the heart of the problem I think.

Anthony Scaramucci: (35:23)
So some of the questions that have come in, I'm trying to distill them because we are running out of time, but there's a few questions about CNN and obviously the right is critical of CNN and the president of CNN. What do you say to the critics of CNN?

Brian Stelter: (35:42)
I say that CNN has its flaws, and I like being called out for them, and I like when people email me. I'm at bstelter@gmail.com because I think it's good to hear from viewers and hear their feedback, and hear what we can do better. But I just think there's something fundamentally different between what Fox does and what all other networks do. And the differences include childish name calling, deflections and distortions from the biggest story of the day, those sorts of tactics that I think, what about-ism on a grand scale. Those sorts of tactics that they weren't always in play at Fox. They've become more obvious these days and they distract from what's really important.

Brian Stelter: (36:22)
I'll give you an example. I think CNN has done a great job of putting up on screen the COVID data, making sure COVID is front and center in the news. Fox covers the story a lot less. And you have to wonder if that's for political reasons or not. But we certainly have our flaws, and I like when we're held accountable for it. Somebody said, "Isn't there a sense of the same is true in reverse for the left on CNN?" That CNN and Fox are equal. They're mirrors of each other. That's what I just think doesn't hold up to scrutiny because when you look at what Chris Cuomo is doing in prime time, it is clearly not the same that Hannity is doing in terms of how reality based it is. That's the way I see it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (37:04)
Yeah. And listen, I'm going to defend Chris a little bit because I do his show. He has a ton of Trump acolytes on the show defending the president and offering up the case for the president including people from the Trump campaign. So if you haven't noticed Brian, not that you would notice this, I can very rarely get an invite on Fox News now. Those guys don't want to have me one there. I got on with Steve Hilton.

Brian Stelter: (37:29)
They don't want to engage.

Anthony Scaramucci: (37:30)
Yeah, I got on there with Steve Hilton a few weeks back, we had a sparring match, the president didn't like it, he's tweeting about me, and that's the Michael Cohen axiom. What's that axiom? If you're saying something crystal clear, clarity in truth and you're breaking down the president's reality distortion field, he's going to viciously ad hominem attack you on Twitter. That's one of the postulates of the Trump era if you will.

Anthony Scaramucci: (37:58)
But let's talk about, before we let you go, let's talk about you being the new czar. Okay? So now we've appointed you to a new position. It's a supra governmental position, it's a supra media position. You are the new czar, and you're trying to make the news more, let's use a Fox News term, fair and balanced. Really fair and balanced. What would you do? And I'm going to take you back to Ronald Reagan. You remember when he signed that legislation to offer some equality on the radio air wave which led to the advent of conservative talk radio. What would you do if you were the new czar and you wanted to figure out a way to strain out some of the inaccuracies, the misinformation, and stuff that's hurting the country right now.

Brian Stelter: (38:48)
First we would invest enormously in the local news, and we would rebuild local newspapers and rebuild local sources of news because they are more trusted, they are more important in the lives of everyday Americans than anything else. Rebuild local news because that rebuilds people's trust with media. And when you know your local reporter like I did growing up in Damascus, I knew Susan, she was the towns reporter. It makes you more trustworthy in media in general because you see how the person works and you see how they care about the community. And when they make mistakes they clean up their act.

Brian Stelter: (39:23)
I would say number two, you want the healthiest, most diverse media ecosystem possible, but tethered to reality. Info Wars for example not tethered to reality. Alex Jones is on there in the past saying I drink children and I run the banks. That kind of insanity just confuses people and hurts people. And the tech companies did take action against info Wars. That was the beginning of what we've seen now, these tech platforms trying to take action in really extreme cases of disinformation. But I think a new czar would try to figure out a more cohesive way to have the media world be as diverse as humanly possible, make is as diverse as possible, but healthy, meaning tethered to reality in some way so that if I were on CNN and I said something that was wholly inaccurate, you almost want a red light to fire off or you want a bell to chime. You want to figure out ways to signal to the audience-

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:24)
Or a laugh track maybe.

Brian Stelter: (40:27)
Or a laugh track. Yeah, there has got to be some way to have that kind of checking. I don't know how you would do it, but if I'm the new czar, maybe I had magical powers. So maybe I can make it happen. And that would be a form of accountability. What I got frustrated by reporting in my book about Fox is [inaudible 00:40:45] a lot of the accountability of Fox where mistakes are made. I know that there is at CNN. Maybe [inaudible 00:40:50] is not enough but I had a screw up over the summer in my newsletter, and I had a call from my boss, and we had one of those awkward but really important conversations where I talked about how I had this screw up, and I talked about why and how I'm going to avoid it in the future. And that makes me a better journalist. And if I was the new czar, I would try to make sure there were lots of those conversations happening all the time so that people are held accountable.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:16)
Well listen you were very generous with your time. You wrote an amazing book. I also want to recommend Top of the Morning and The Morning Show because I thought those were intriguing about that high paced competition in morning television. Before we let you go let you go, what is your next project Brian? Are you able to talk about it? Or you don't have a project yet?

Brian Stelter: (41:38)
I'm brainstorming what to do because I don't know how to top this book about Trump and Fox. If Biden wins, and he makes America boring again, there's not going to be any books to write. Think about there's all this interest in Trump, the pro-Trump [crosstalk 00:41:52] anti-Trump [crosstalk 00:41:53] everything in the middle.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:53)
And now you sound like President Trump. He says, "When I go, you guys are going to miss me." Right? I'm not going to miss him. I'm going to be honest with you. But...

Brian Stelter: (41:59)
I think the book publishing business is going to miss him. I'll say that.

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:03)
But I wish you great success. You-

Brian Stelter: (42:05)
In terms of my next project, I just want to make my Sunday show better. That's always my top priority, is, "How do I make my show [crosstalk 00:42:10]

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:10)
All right. So make the Sunday show better, I'm certain that that's going to happen. I watch it every Sunday. It's on my DVR. That's Reliable Sources at 11:00AM on CNN, and CNN International. Ladies and gentlemen, Brian Stelter. But Brian, thank you so much for joining us, and we'll have this up on our website and so forth, and I really enjoyed your book. Fantastic work.

Brian Stelter: (42:36)
Awesome.

Voice of Cannabis Series - Episode 1 | SALT Talks #49

Episode 1

Jason Wilson is the Cannabis Banking & Research Expert for ETFMG | MJ, a firm developing innovative thematic ETFs that provide investors unique exposure to new markets. He led the first installment of the Voice of Cannabis Series, presented by ETFMG | MJ and Fourth Wall Advisory.

Joining Jason is Axel Bernabe, Assistant Counsel for Health to Governor Andrew M. Cuomo, and Kelly D. Fair, Director of Legal, USA for Canopy Growth Corporation.

Episode 1 includes an overview on the federal government’s approach to cannabis legalization, how specific states are developing their own regulatory standards and processes, and the science behind CBD.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKERS

Axel Bernabe.jpeg

Axel Bernabe

Assistant Counsel for Health to Governor Andrew M. Cuomo

Kelly D. Fair.jpeg

Kelly D. Fair

Director of Legal, USA
Canopy Growth Corporation

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Joe Eletto: (00:11)
Hello, everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is Joe Eletto. I'm the Production Manager of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum and networking platform encompassing finance, technology, and geopolitics.

Joe Eletto: (00:25)
SALT Talks is a series of digital interviews with the world's foremost investors, creators, and thinkers, and just as we do at our global SALT conferences, we aim to both empower big important ideas and provide our audience a window into the minds of subject matter experts and we are thrilled to kick off our new Voice of Cannabis Series today, brought to the SALT platform in partnership with strategic marketing firm Fourth Wall Advisory, leading international cannabis company, Canopy Growth Corporation, an issuer to MJ, the world's largest cannabis ETFMG.

Joe Eletto: (01:01)
Hosting today's panel is ETFMG's MJ Research and Banking expert, Jason Wilson. With over 15 years of experience in the asset management, finance, and structured product space, Jason has a track record of bringing hard to access client classes to market. Jason has held leadership and senior positions at several leading financial institutions. Most recently Jason was Senior Vice President at INFOR Financial Inc. INFOR is a leading boutique investment bank based in Toronto, Canada that has worked in connection with a number of companies in the legal cannabis industry, including acting as an adviser to Canopy Growth Corporation, in connection with entering into a strategic relationship with Constellation Brands.

Joe Eletto: (01:48)
Jason has also worked at investment banking division of Societe Generale, France's third largest bank at FCIBC one of the five largest banks in Canada. While at Societe Generale and CIBC, Jason provided asset managers and financial institutions with various capital raising, financing, and risk mitigation solutions and strategies. Jason has an LLB from the University of Western Ontario. Prior to completing his university studies, Jason was a member of the Canadian Forces and is a recipient of the Gulf of Kuwait medal, awarded for his engagement in direct combat during the Gulf War in 1991.

Joe Eletto: (02:27)
If you have any questions during today's talk, please enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen, and now we'll turn it over to Jason to conduct today's SALT Talk.

Jason Wilson: (02:37)
Great, thanks, Joe, and thanks very much for the intro, very much appreciate it. Everyone, pleasure to have you all here. Obviously, it's our first episode of the Voice of Cannabis series and today we're going to specifically talk about the CBD market. Pleasure to have two expert panelists with us. On the business side, we have Kelly Fair. Kelly is from Canopy Growth Corporation and it's an understatement to say that she's deep in the weeds ... No pun intended ... in the cannabis, US cannabis space. She acts currently as a US General Counsel and she's also been Officer of the California Courts since 2004, so she brings a lot of business acumen and legal experience to the cannabis space with us. Also joining us on from the regulatory side is Axel Bernabe and Axel is Assistant Counsel to New York State Governor Andrew Cuomo. So in that role, he's got a number of things going on pertaining to health but specific to today's conversation, Axel oversees all of the hemp medical and adult use cannabis framework in the State of New York. So thank you both for joining us today.

Axel Bernabe: (03:52)
Glad to be here.

Jason Wilson: (03:53)
I guess kind of to kick things off, start kind of the higher level and talk about the ... Maybe, Kelly, we'll start with you and talk about the federal landscape. If you think about, it's been almost two years since the Agriculture Improvement Act was passed which removed hemp from the Controlled Substances Act. Initially, I think there's a lot of euphoria in the industry, thinking, "This is it. It's green light, go on everything." Any kind of hemp related product, including CBD based edibles and drinkables was open for business, and the contrary seems to be somewhat true. I mean, honestly, we have federal legalization, but there's a lot of ambiguity from the FDA and the DEA and what have you. So can you kind of speak to the FDA framework and where it stands with CBD based or hemp based products in the United States right now?

Kelly Fair: (04:45)
Sure, Jason. So you're right, when the Farm Bill pass in December of 2018, there was a lot of euphoria getting just the legalization of the commodity and the derivatives of the commodity. And the Farm Bill did give jurisdiction to the USDA and the FDA to then regulate. I think the USDA came out, out of the gate with guidance just to make it clear that hemp and the derivatives are both legal and interstate commerce couldn't be interfered and so the farmers were really excited about getting that commodity as part of their portfolio. The FDA came out in a different posture about May of 2019 and it updated its website and did a public statement saying that because CBD had been investigated as a new drug in relation to the approval of the Epidiolex Pharmaceutical, it would not recognize CBD and dietary ingredients and conventional food additives at that time and then in the same breath said, "But we're evaluating systemic impacts on human consumption at these levels," and just really signaling to the industry that it's not intending to close the swim lanes for dietary supplements in foods.

Kelly Fair: (05:59)
So it was kind of a double edged not real sure what's going to happen. Since then, it's no secret that the FDA has not yet regulated the CBD and dietary supplements in foods. It is open for public comment. It is partnered with stakeholders like Canopy Growth to evaluate a whole host of concerns it has around toxicity, liver, reproductive toxicity, and just really stating it needs to understand the impacts of humans consuming much lower doses of hemp derived CBD. We have been in partnership with the FDA. I believe that the evidence that they have, the science that they have is sufficient to prove out the safety profile of this substance. We've made it no secret that we disagree with their position on IND Preclusion, but have answered their call for data and we've asked our other stakeholders to also be forthcoming with data.

Kelly Fair: (06:59)
Currently pending is the FDA has issued enforcement discretion guidance. It's sitting with OMB now. We have not seen what the guidance says but stakeholders, including Canopy testified at OMB about what it should say and we're continuing to have discussions with FDA and just put a new study in the docket two weeks ago, are planning on putting a third study in the docket in a couple of weeks once it's published. So that's broad brush strokes where the FDA is. I will say with incoming new Commissioner Han, his first public statement gave some optimism to the industry. I think it's a direct quote, he said, "It would be a fool's errand to try to stand in the way of hemp derived CBD end products at this point," and it doesn't seem to be the FDA's intention to do so, but then again, it just wants to do so in a way that protects public safety.

Jason Wilson: (08:02)
And that makes sense but it's obviously just adding this level of ambiguity that's kind of hard to manage around. Is there any movement on Capitol Hill to try to force the FDA along or anything happening there at all?

Kelly Fair: (08:18)
Yes, and you make the great point that it does ambiguity and it hurts all the way up and down the supply chain. So those farmers that I discussed at the beginning that did make the investment into the hemp crop initially, Canopy being one of them, we were growing hemp over seven states in that first growing season. They are not seeing the benefit of that investment because the products cannot be sold without that ambiguity, and the margins on high yielding hemp crops versus fibrous crops for industrial application is quite significant. And so those farming constituents have gotten the attention of congress and we're seeing congressional leadership on the issue from both sides of the aisle in states that have strong farming constituents, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, representing Kentucky. He's been a huge advocate of hemp and hemp derived CBD.

Kelly Fair: (09:16)
There's been consistent pressure from the Hill on the FDA to either regulate or have a legislative fix to just amend the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act. That's the most recent activity we've seen. We saw it coming in a bill form from the Chair of the House Agricultural Committee Collin Peterson last year, proposing to amend the FDCA and we understand that Majority Leader McConnell is also considering some language. I wouldn't be surprised if there's some pressure around the appropriations process, that happened last year. More of a carrot scenario where the FDA could get $2 million in funding, if they were to regulate or say anything. They felt a bit short of regulating and I don't know if they said much in what they gave to Congress this summer, but ... so I'm expecting a lot more activity on the issue, yes.

Jason Wilson: (10:13)
So, Axel, maybe you can pipe in a little bit, obviously, at the state level, but the thing that strikes me as a little bit interesting is the DEA's recent interim ruling and in some ways, it just seems clumsy. Others are suggesting that there's more to it, that they're trying to run a little bit of interference. Can you speak a little bit about that interim rule and what that means to the industry?

Axel Bernabe: (10:40)
Yeah, I'm happy to talk about that. Just to frame the issue, because I think Kelly did a really great job of explaining some of the complexities for regulators. So the states have been picking up a lot of the absence of regulation at a federal level and implementing that at a state level. So we've had to step in in the form of regulating dietary supplements or food and beverages in a way that normally would really be left to the USDA and the FDA. And so I think it's important to understand that playing field because that's the only way you can really appreciate the difficulty that the DEA and the FDA are having in determining whose jurisdiction starts where and where it ends. But in addition to the complexities that Kelly mentioned on food and dietary supplements specifically, what we also see with cannabis or cannabinoid hemp products that are derived from legally hemp plants and have low THC is the sale of flour which is akin to a sort of tobacco product and vapes which are also traditionally regulated by the FDA but haven't been because of the complexity of regulating vape devices.

Axel Bernabe: (12:00)
So again, if you see the full spectrum of products that you're dealing with, that are downstream from cannabis sativa, you really understand the complexity of the regulatory environment. So we're focused on trying to promote consumer protection in that space and pick up where the USDA and the FDA aren't really actively regulating and that's a big challenge for the states because we're not accustomed to doing that ... But I could talk more about that, but going back to your specific DEA question ... So understanding that dynamic the Farm Bill kicked jurisdiction over hemp to the USDA and the FDA, clear, and that was supposed to be broken up with the USDA taking care of growing and once it was harvested and once you started to convert those products into dietary supplements or any other kind of extract, that was supposed to be the purview of the FDA. But you still have this question of what happens to THC that's derived from a legally compliant hemp plant?

Axel Bernabe: (12:55)
There is always THC on a CO2 extract or on an ethanol extract. You're always going to have slightly hot product that's coming out from you extract, and so really that is an issue that we're struggling with and I can tell you what the State of New York is doing, but that's something that the FDA will need to struggle with, and the Farm Bill, clearly kicked that to the FDA. What the DEA did with its regulations, which I agree with you, Jason, was a little bit ... I'm trying to pick my words carefully ... but it was a little surprising, was twofold. First it said that the intent of its regulation was really just to make conforming changes. The Farm Bill changed the definition of hemp and excluded it from the Controlled Substances Act. Well, it was going to change its regulations to make sure that that was reflected in its regulations, and it changed a couple of things on the exporting of Epidiolex and so forth, but really it stated that its intent was not to really change the law.

Axel Bernabe: (13:50)
And yet in the preamble or in the introductory part of the statement, it said that intermediary products, so these extracts that come out of your extract facilities that are hot, that run above 0.3% THC are going to be considered Schedule One THC substances. And that's really problematic for pretty much anybody who's making any food ... Well, extract that's going to be added to food or any dietary supplement, because almost any form of extraction is going to result in a slightly hot intermediary product. So it was problematic because one, I don't think that they had right jurisdiction to actually make that statement and regulate that definition that was really kicked to the FDA. And two, the way they did it they didn't actually step into the breach and say, "All right, let's regulate intermediary products." They said, "We're not actually doing anything controversial, but by the way, in passing, here's what we consider to be legal for intermediary products." So it sent everybody into a tailspin and I just don't think it was very sophisticated or good regulatory practice, to be honest with you.

Jason Wilson: (14:50)
Well, and Kelly, maybe you can speak a little bit to the intermediary concept. If we look at the alcohol industry and ROC Constellation being an investor in Canopy, clearly there's a different framework there.

Kelly Fair: (15:01)
There is and it's because it's regulated. If the FDA were to step in and actually regulate or any regulatory body, and regulate intermediary product, we could see something very analogous to beverage alcohol. If you look at how bourbon is manufactured, bourbon can only be above or under a certain proof, but in the manufacturing process, the liquid is well above that proof, before it gets diluted with water and that intermediary product moves from facility to facility. Bonded facilities, as per regulation, so it's controlled, and that you know that that intermediary product is not going to commercial sale and that's the key and without that regulatory framework, it creates this ambiguity and it creates ... and really for no reason, because the intermediary product that Axel is describing is not for commercial sale. It is to go and then be further processed into isolate or further processed to delete or dilute the THC so that you can have a product that you can bring to market outside of the dispensary network.

Kelly Fair: (16:14)
So adding that regulatory framework is going to be really vital to clean it up and the DEA doesn't have the resources, I wouldn't think, or the ... shouldn't have the desire to enforce against what they've just done. To be looking for intermediary product, moving, to be testing it to see if like an extract is hot or a distillate or an isolate, it just seems like they're biting off more than they want there.

Axel Bernabe: (16:42)
And actually, just if I can, Jason, just to follow up on that thought, so that's, Kelly, what we've heard through a couple of different channels. The DEA isn't interested in getting in this space. They understand that right now, they would have to enforce against pretty much every processor in the country. They're not going to do that, which is all the more reason why, well, why put that language in there? I think they were trying to plant a flag and say, "Look, we still have to deal with this issue."

Axel Bernabe: (17:08)
So in New York, actually we considered this issue even prior to the DEA issuing its regulations and what we're thinking of doing in our regulations, which should be coming out soon, is allowing processors to possess up to 3% THC product in its intermediary form, and that's usually a distillate or crude oil and so that would provide them with a legal protection to have that, just in the same way that, Kelly, you were describing, would be happening on alcohol front. So there are ways around it, but what's really fascinating is that if the FDA goes the way of enforcement discretion, which it looks like they may go ... and because it would be a fool's errand to put this genie back in the bottle, you're going to have piecemeal, state by state approach to all these issues, right? Including the important issue of THC.

Axel Bernabe: (17:54)
So while I think I understand the ... I truly empathize with the FDA's sort of deer in headlight stands here because there is so much coming at them on the cannabinoid front. Like I said, vapes and dietary supplements and foods and THC and they're just not accustomed to this. The idea of not regulating it just makes things more complicated down the road. So we're trying to work with other states, we're coordinating with Florida. It's unfortunate that California didn't get its bill passed at the last minute there, but that's ... You have to step into that breach. If not, you just, you leave the market ripe for diversion and an untoward conduct.

Jason Wilson: (18:36)
So federal framework is working through some issues, but at the end of the day, state by state any hemp related product has to be approved as well, so, and Axel, I mean obviously like you, I mean you're right in the center of it. I mean you're there, you're responsible for basically you're overseeing all this regulatory framework in New York State. Can you kind of describe your framework? How it works from edibles to drinkables, to you name it, how's it work in New York? Is it different from other states? Give us a kind of run through.

Axel Bernabe: (19:12)
Yeah, I'll keep it really high level, because obviously we could do an entire panel on that, but I want to keep it interesting for a sort of industry and not to get too wonky on this, but it was a very interesting process, because we had to think through ... Of course, you have your basic licensing and your basic ... Even the testing is borrowed heavily from the adult user markets where you're testing for contaminants and you're testing for pesticides and whatnot. So that was fairly simple. What was more complicated was deciding, okay, if we're going to allow food and be sensible about it, do we put some kind of cap on the daily amount or on the serving amount that you're per serving, that you're going to allow CBD or other cannabinoids?

Axel Bernabe: (19:53)
And so there isn't a lot of guidance. The UK's put out a 60 milligram daily dose limit proposal. Australia has 70, I think. So one of the things we're thinking of doing is ... and we're going to get comments on these so they're not going to ... They're going to be put out for comment and then we'll get to tweak them, but we're thinking of putting a 25 milligram per serving limit on CBD food products. So if you're doing a seltzer, a CBD seltzer, you're not going to dose it up with a couple of hundred milligrams. We're going to try to keep it proportional to the product. So stuff like that, we're taking some steps into regulating vapes by limiting some of the excipients you can us, by doing some protective measures around the heating elements on some of your vape hardware. So that's also new for us. We're creating effectively a mini-FDA. We're running a lot of this through our Medical Marijuana Program, because they have experience in that.

Axel Bernabe: (20:48)
But at its core, it's a consumer protection statute that builds on the federal rule. So we really cite to the Federal Dietary Supplement, the Federal Food Rules, and say, "You have to build your product compliant with those standards," so that hopefully when the FDA does this, to Kelly's point, right, once they really start to understand that there is no IND preclusion, that this isn't a drug, then they'll implement their dietary supplement protocols and they can just fill in that and we can stand back a little bit and step back. But as far as relative to other states, I think New York is going a little further, because of the things I'm saying, dosage on food, vapes, and in that regard, I think we're a little bit more aggressive. Florida has a really good program up and running. Oregon is fairly sophisticated, so is Colorado.

Axel Bernabe: (21:36)
So a number of states have gone forward and we're working with them. We have a round table where we meet regularly to discuss the issues, but some other states are a lot more reluctant. They're more conservative. They don't know how to deal with the THC issue. They don't know if they want pre-rolls or smoke the bowls. Is this a new cigarette like product? So a lot of regulatory issues, but we're being fairly bullish on the industry. We think it's a promising industry if it's regulated properly. That's the premise.

Jason Wilson: (22:07)
So, Kelly, you're in California. I mean, you've been there for a long time, what's happening over there? I mean it's an important economy, obviously, one of the largest in the world, what's the status? I know we have Bill 228? You give us an update?

Kelly Fair: (22:22)
Yeah, so I just want to echo something that Axel said that New York is, it is bullish and it has been the most progressive and has made my job as an advocate for regulation easy from the beginning, because I've been able to state to the FDA, "Look at New York. Look at how New York's ... Even the initial regulations are tying to the FDCA, see how it's keyed together. You have the right regulations in place to regulate these products, you just need to turn it on." So I just want to give a hat tip to the State of New York as one that is progressive, because I think ultimately, you regulate, then you protect your public. If you don't regulate, you're not protecting your public from diversion and bad actors, so I'll just start there.

Kelly Fair: (23:11)
And then move to my great state, on hemp, just very similar to at the federal level, that California's Department of Agriculture has come out strong with regulations, allowed its farmers to get off and running, even from the state level, all the way to the county level. The testing went off without a hitch. That first growing season, we're a part of it, and the Department of Health, on the other hand, much like the FDA has added more than a fair amount of ambiguity and just a cooling to what actually can happen in California. The Department of Health has issued an FAQ response saying that until the FDA regulates, it does not allow hemp derived CBD in any human ingestible or animal food products.

Kelly Fair: (24:04)
So the FAQ response is very vaguely written. It leaves open the issue of smokables, it leaves open the issue of manufacturing without sale in California, and so 228, AB228 was to clean that up, and to say specifically that inclusion of hemp derivatives to dietary supplements or food would not adulterate the product and allow the products to enter the market and open the possibility for actual regulation. This is the second legislative session where the bill has not passed for a host of reasons. This last round was due to maybe some late industry input and then just a very unfortunate round of technicalities as far as how the session ended, just generally with the senators having to be quarantined and remote voting and it was just ... You couldn't have made it up, truly, at the end.

Kelly Fair: (25:09)
But we along the way have been working with the governor's staff and office and have had very productive movement on the issue to make sure that the bill is drafted correctly, that the regulations roll out appropriately. This is on the governor's radar as something that he thinks California wants and needs and he's been nothing but supportive of companies like Canopy in their investments in California. So we remain optimistic for the future of AB228 and just regulation generally.

Jason Wilson: (25:44)
And I have to believe the will, as you said, the will is there. There's a lot of technical, a lot of difficulties right now and I think one of the industries poised for growth post-COVID is going to be the cannabis industry in general, just because of the job growth, the opportunities, so it's obviously hard to get a lot of alignment. But it must be incredibly difficult, I think of Canopy Growth, that is the largest cannabis, global cannabis company operating in over a dozen countries globally. You're trying to build this platform across 50 states. You and your team must be ridiculously off the hook busy trying to get your handles on this. How are you coping? How are you managing? I know you just launched your shop, Canopy.com website. How do you manage all this?

Kelly Fair: (26:32)
Yeah, so what we've done as a regulatory platform and that, I am responsible for that, is just to look at states like New York, look at how they're regulating, look at how all 50 states are regulating and create basically omnibus policies for every point along the supply chain, for how we grow, how we extract, how we produce. We produce at GMP standards, we label in accordance with the FDCA and all of the states in which we sell, and trying to go to the highest common denominator for regulatory standards so that we are then selling a product that consumers can trust and that are going to be compliant with the federal FDCA at the end of the day and any state that's got more stringent regulations, so we don't have to pivot the opposite way.

Kelly Fair: (27:30)
We have so much at stake with our reputation and our relationship with our consumers to make sure that our products, like BioSteel, Martha Stewart's products are coming to market, First and Free, This Works, we want all of those products just to be best in class no matter what, and for the consumers to trust them. And I've said again and again, I think we've got regulations on the books that will ensure that is the case and so our official position is just to manufacture and sell at those high standards.

Jason Wilson: (28:03)
So I find cannabis fascinating. It's a drug, as we know, with Epidiolex as we spoke to, its potential for wellness product. There's all these different layers it touches. How are you working on the science side? I know in Canada a lot of it is educating physicians, to make sure that they better understand how to use this. What is Canopy doing on the science side? What are you seeing out there to help get motion behind the whole cannabis industry?

Kelly Fair: (28:36)
What we're doing is very focused on what the FDA is asking. I presented to the FDA last October and started the conversation by saying, "I'm not here to tell you our legal position. I'm not here to tell you how much pressure you're under by congress. I am here and I brought a team of scientists to talk about the questions that you're asking again and again." And so those are all around toxicity, just generally, liver toxicity, reproductive toxicity, and then longevity came up in that conversation. And so basically our science mandate has been to give the FDA what they need, so we've got grass studies on going that are looking at liver toxicity and reproductive toxicity. We've given the FDA interim data as it comes out, so that we're feeding them real time. We've done a study around cosmetics and whether the CBD in cosmetics breaks the blood barrier, whether that should be part of the FDA's analysis on systemic impacts. It should not is the answer and that just got put in the public docket.

Kelly Fair: (29:43)
And in October, one of the leaders on the CBD working group, asked if we'd done a longevity study. We hadn't and we hatched a plan to do one in the car ride back to DC and it's just finished and we'll be giving that to the FDA shortly. So to answer your question, what are we doing? We're doing whatever the FDA is asking and I implore all of the rest of the hemp stakeholders to do the same.

Jason Wilson: (30:15)
So a lot of collaboration and, Axel, you must be getting a lot of this. Like sitting there on your side of the fence, how do you look at this space? I mean, there's obviously, there's a lot of product in the gray market, in the listed market, if you will, that's being sold, maybe without approval, obviously you want to work with companies like Canopy Growth to get the proper products out. What are you looking at to help manage that process?

Axel Bernabe: (30:42)
So that's a really good question, so I always come back to this and I think it's important for industry to understand how the regulators are viewing the market, right? We're struggling with a lot of these questions and the frameworks we apply and the rules we make and what we rely on to make those rules. And if as industry you don't understand that, then you maybe jeopardizing your entire business, because you're just going to run a foul of what the regulators are looking to do.

Axel Bernabe: (31:07)
So I think Kelly nailed it when she said that she appeared in front of the FDA and started answering their questions, because that's obviously how they're focused about it. But going back to your kind of writ large question, what's fascinating is there are examples of drugs that are both prescription drugs and over the counter drugs and health and wellness and that's a question of dosage and you have to find where to set that dial. Less common is a notion that you would have a potentially pharmaceutical product, an over the counter product, a dietary supplement product, and that it's a compound that's used recreationally. So it's the fact that it crosses so many spaces that makes it really difficult to regulate.

Axel Bernabe: (31:48)
So I'll give you just one example. As we're contemplating rolling out adult use in New York, we have to figure out what to do with our medical program and when we say medical program, it's also almost ... it's not a misnomer, but it's a hybrid. It's not an FDA clinical science randomized trial driven program. It's a program that's dictated by some science, by anecdotal evidence, by clear history of use of cannabis for medicinal purposes and so there's even an interaction there. What happens to the medical program, where do you set the tax rates, what kind of products do you allow and one program and not the other. So even with CBD, that's why I think you have to understand the DEA being so sort of, having such a hard time understanding where to position itself.

Axel Bernabe: (32:34)
As CBD, you look at something like a ... examples are always sort of the easiest way to drive this point across, but look at something like a tincture, a 1200 milligram tincture of CBD that you'll find in a dietary supplement. That's a fairly common product that's out there. That tincture itself will contain about 30 milligrams of THC and 30 milligrams of THC is sufficiently high to be intoxicated, but nobody's going to go out and buy a CBD tincture for a $100 in order to down 1200 milligrams of CBD in order to get that 30 milligrams of THC, when they could go buy a gram either at an adult store or on the illicit market. But as a regulator, you still have to think about that, so you know, so that, yeah, it has been fascinating, Jason.

Axel Bernabe: (33:17)
It's been really, really interesting but to bring it full circle to what Kelly said about what Canopy does right, shooting for best in class, shooting for meeting those GMP requirements, the labeling, the proper testing, that makes our life a lot easier. So that's what's great about working with Canopy and getting feedback from them is they know that that's what'll put them ahead of the pack and for us, we know, that they're looking to be compliant actors in the space and so we can get from them feedback on what's reasonable, what's doable. Because we're all kind of feeling our way around here, trying to understand what the road sign should be on this miraculous compound, frankly.

Jason Wilson: (33:56)
And then I'm guessing, at the end of the day, that that higher standard, if you will, will also ... It should make enforcement a lot easier. I mean, at the end of the day, regulations are one thing, but enforcing them is another, right? So trying to get this market, make sure that, again, protecting the consumer. I think that should be a large part of it as well.

Axel Bernabe: (34:14)
It really is. On that note, really quickly, I mean dietary supplements, the FDA doesn't love dietary supplements. It's a framework that's difficult. It's third party certified, so they don't control those audits. They don't go in and inspect and people are developing their own hazard plans to make sure there are no contaminants. It's not the level of hands on regulatory oversight that the FDA would want, but it's a compromise with the supplements industry that dates back to the [inaudible 00:34:40] of the '80s. But now you have a CBD product that has the properties you've just described, Jason, and they're being asked to put it in a regulatory framework that they don't, already don't feel comfortable with. So it's a challenging process but companies like Canopy and others that are doing the science, are really going to help this along, because if we could start to knock out some of the real concerns, we can start to fit it into existing regulatory frames.

Jason Wilson: (35:11)
So last question, I know we need to turn it back over to Joe for some Q&A and maybe we'll end this you, Kelly. Next generation products, what do we expect to see coming to the market next year 2021? What's it going to look like?

Kelly Fair: (35:26)
So from Canopy's perspective, we're really excited about all the form factors. It is a miraculous compound and it helps consumers in lots of ways, so we explore every way that a consumer might like the product, in ways that they don't even know that they might like the product. We have our First and Free, our This Works products. I expect the topical platform to expand even more. There's a lot of cosmetic applications for CBD that I think are just great. The vapes and the pre-rolls are also coming to market. Just more broadly, I think consumers are starting to recognize the pre-roll as something they enjoy. It's doesn't give you the same euphoric as smoking a THC pre-roll, it's just a very quick way to get your body to relax very quickly. I mean I'm talking anecdotally at this point, as a sampler of our own test products.

Kelly Fair: (36:26)
So I think that it's really the sky's the limit for what kind of form factors we're going to see on the market. Canopy does focus on what kind of form factors are going to have the best effects for the consumer. So I don't think that we're ever going to have like a CBD shampoo and going to claim that it does anything for your body. There has to be a line in the sand and we need to distinguish the snake oil from actual effective products that will deliver CBD in an effective way. So we will continue to evaluate and, yeah, I think as the regulations roll out, we'll be able to see less and less of the snake oil on the market.

Jason Wilson: (37:12)
That'd be great and, I think, welcome for the industry in total. So Joe, what do you have ... We should probably move it over to Q&A. I think we've run over a little bit but what do you have that we can get in front of the appropriate people.

Joe Eletto: (37:28)
I was going to say, that's fine for me, I was learning a ton as well. So we had ETFMG, obviously, at SALT 2019 curating some of our conversation so just having these on going sessions is really informative involvement for the industry. So we had a question from a viewer from California. So he was talking about farming and how farms might negatively affect the neighborhood without the appropriate regulations. How is, in building and industry, in building these regulations in its piecemeal nature right now, how is that being enacted? How are those sorts of businesses or that part of the supply chain being regulated?

Jason Wilson: (38:07)
I think, Kelly and Axel, you probably both speak to that. Kelly, maybe you're in California, maybe you should kick off.

Kelly Fair: (38:14)
Yeah, I'll say that, I'll echo what I said earlier, that the California Department of Agriculture did a great job ... I mean California's just a great ag state anyway, and so the way that California is zones is that you shouldn't be next to any sort of a hemp grow, if you didn't know that you are next to a very agricultural area. Like we have our state zoned so that most of the hemp cultivation is happening in areas that are predominantly ag. They're either industrially zoned or agriculturally zoned and so we didn't see as a company that grew, I think we had 1500 acres in California that first growing season, much in the way of nuisance complaints or we were never close to actual neighborhoods.

Kelly Fair: (39:01)
I think that changes county by county. Ventura County was certainly a beautiful place to grow hemp because it's warm. We had great crops there. That was closer to cities than I had otherwise seen. I can speak for our cannabis facilities in Canada, the nuisance around smell is a huge issue in Canada and there's a lot of technologies that we put in place to mitigate just smell, just generally. And so if we continue to cultivate in the US, we would apply those same technologies, but I think the regulators have done a great job in keeping the ag areas separate from the cities.

Axel Bernabe: (39:49)
Yeah, I mean, for the most part, that's right. It is a long history of the intersectionality of agriculturally zoned districts and urban centers and there are other types of farms that emit smells and noises that folks don't want to be around. So for the most part, our legislation just categorized hemp as another crop and so long as you're in an ag district then the town can't prohibit you from growing hemp. It's like any other crop.

Axel Bernabe: (40:16)
We have had a number of complaints on smell, but that might not be the biggest challenge. The biggest challenge is probably cross pollination and the fear that folks that growing field crops or even adult use indoor grows, and that's more challenging. Creating a heat map and trying to tell people you can grow in this area but not in this area is something we're just going to need to take a day at a time, but, yeah, the smell issue, we borrowed from prior crops and if you're an ag district you're good to go.

Joe Eletto: (40:50)
So we've got two, I guess, larger questions that we'll try to cram in real quick. So people always compare or most of the time compare cannabis with alcohol and say, "I should be able to just go to a store, take if off the shelf, take it with me." Is that a fair comparison on the consumer end with ... as we spoke about today cannabis touching so many possible end points, where alcohol is really, it has a finite number of uses?

Axel Bernabe: (41:18)
There's, I think, the retailer angle that Kelly can speak to, the industry angle for sure, which she'll know a lot more about but from a regulatory standpoint, there's some overlap. It's a substance that can be used as an intoxicant and there are all sorts of regulatory questions like driving under the influence, taking it while you're pregnant, age, all these considerations are very similar to alcohol, the licensing, all that's very, very similar. But I think as we've been saying, what's unique is that people are taking it as a medicine. Four out of five Americans are saying they're taking cannabinoids generally as for medicinal reasons. Be it anti-stress and ... you could say the same thing about alcohol. Somebody has a drink at the end of the day to de-stress.

Axel Bernabe: (42:00)
But I think there are definitely overlaps. There's a lot to learn from the alcohol system and framework, but then you're just going to have to innovate with a lot of other regulatory onion peels to fully capture all the complexities of the plant.

Kelly Fair: (42:18)
Yeah, that's a great point on the regulation side. Canopy as a company have been advocating for a regulatory model for federal legalization that does model very much after alcohol, because there are so many similarities. What's dissimilar though is that alcohol came out of prohibition federally, and at the state level at the same time, so it was really a blank slate. Where here, we're going to come out of prohibition, where we have 32 plus states already with robust regulatory frameworks. And so when you're navigating that as a company and you're thinking all the way down the supply chain where a customer wants to walk into a liquor store and also get cannabis, there are a lot of complexities there.

Kelly Fair: (43:05)
I mean cannabis is regulated at the state level, I will always say that is appropriate, because only those states know what their communities need and they know what their constituents voted for if it was on the ballot and how they wanted it controlled and regulated, and so I think we're a long way off from this scenario where cannabis is just like any other medicine or vice, depending on which side of the fence you're on and where your use is. But I also don't think that there's a huge barrier, even from a commercial side to the dispensary model if it's done well.

Kelly Fair: (43:46)
I'm sitting in San Francisco and me walking into a dispensary to get any product, any beautiful product that I want is just as easy as going to a beautiful wine shop but with more controls. I couldn't go into a dispensary and shoplift, for example, because everything is behind a counter. I have to go through a bud-tender. I mean and I don't find that that experience takes away from the consumer experience and there are ways to enhance it and so we'll just have to let our communities decide how cannabis could be maybe put more into mainstream retail, when it's appropriate.

Joe Eletto: (44:28)
Got you. I like the term bud-tender. That's awesome. So last question. Obviously an easy question is the election. I'll posit this to whomever can answer and we're going to have more conversation around the election and with the possible results are later in the Talks. We don't need to dive too deep, but we're now two months out from election day. What are the next, I guess, 10-ish weeks going to mean for cannabis on the federal level? Are people looking at both candidates in different ways or I someone going to come out more in favor, more anti, just that sort of 40,000 foot overview of the next two months.

Kelly Fair: (45:09)
I think that's me, right, Axel? I don't think you could say anything.

Jason Wilson: (45:15)
It's also a great into, Joe, to tune in back in for episode two in two weeks.

Joe Eletto: (45:18)
Exactly.

Kelly Fair: (45:19)
That's right.

Jason Wilson: (45:20)
Congress in cannabis episode. Yeah, Kelly, why don't you handle that one?

Kelly Fair: (45:24)
Okay, well, it's no secret, it is public that the house intends to move the Moore Act in September, the week of the 21st, and so that is quite significant as an election issue because Kamala Harris is co-sponsor of the Moore Act. And so that will create great momentum going into the election cycle, I think just for cannabis generally. I would anticipate that the house passes that bill. What happens in the senate is TBD, not expecting great things, but will give the industry real momentum going into 2021, especially if the senate changes and the White House changes so very exciting time for the cannabis industry. It will be history vote. It's history that the bill is going to move at all, so it's very exciting.

Joe Eletto: (46:20)
Fantastic. Well, with that, thank you for the extra time, everyone, Jason, Kelly, and Axel. Want to thank also ETFMG, Fourth Wall Advisory and Canopy for the support of this series. We're really looking forward to seeing what is going to be spoken about over the next four episodes. All the episodes are now available to be registered for on SALT.org/Talks/VOC for Voice of Cannabis, and we'll be releasing who is going to be speaking on each of those in the coming days and weeks. But we have some that are going to be timed with the presidential debates and such it'll have more of a political angle to them as well as financial services angles.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: The Global Response to COVID-19 & Lessons Learned | SALT Talks #48

“Science, of course, does not give you the instant satisfaction answers the public wants.“

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding a Senior Fellow at the Federation of American Scientists in Washington DC, an American nonprofit global policy think tank with the stated intent of using science and scientific analysis to attempt to make the world more secure. In January 2020, he was recognized in the media as one of the first to alert the public on the pandemic risk of COVID-19.

“Holy mother of God, the new coronavirus is a 3.8!” Not only did the United States fail to act aggressively to combat the spread of COVID-19, it failed to act at all. With the last global pandemic a century ago, the public had no institutional memory of what to expect. People needed to see the consequences to believe it, but panic scares the market.

On mitigation, “It’s not about how much you test. It’s about how early you test and how well you contact trace.” COVID-19 carries an infection fatality rate (not case fatality rate) 10-20 times higher than that of the seasonal flu. Plus, most people have some degree of immunity to the flu, whereas very few have active immunity to the novel coronavirus.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding.jpg

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding

Senior Fellow

Federation of American Scientists

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello, everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the Managing Director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. At SALK Talks, are a series of digital interviews we've been hosting with leading investors, creators and thinkers.

John Darsie: (00:25)
What we're really trying to do with the SALT Talk series, is replicate the type of experience that we provide at our SALT conference series, where we try to provide a window into the mind of subject matter experts, as well as to provide a platform for what we think are big ideas that are shaping the future.

John Darsie: (00:39)
We're very excited today, to bring a very topical and relevant SALT Talk to you with Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding. Dr. Feigl-Ding is an Epidemiologist, who was one of the earliest forecasters of trends that we saw explode relating to COVID-19.

John Darsie: (00:53)
He's also a Health Economist and a Senior Fellow at the Federation of American Scientists in Washington, DC, and is the Chief Health Economist for Microclinic International. In January of 2020, Dr. Feigl-Ding was recognized in the media, as one of the first to alert the public on the pandemic risk of COVID-19.

John Darsie: (01:12)
He's part of a FAS' work to stop COVID misinformation and communication, lead communication with the lay public regarding the virus. He was previously a faculty member and a Researcher at the Harvard Chan School of Public Health and the Harvard Medical School, between 2004 and 2020.

John Darsie: (01:31)
Dr. Feigl-Ding's work focuses on the intersection of public health and public policy. He also currently works on behavioral interventions for prevention, medicare costs, quality improvements, drug safety, diabetes, and obesity prevention and public health programs in the United States.

John Darsie: (01:47)
He has further expertise in designing and conducting randomized trials, systematic reviews, public health programs, public policy implementation and leveraging big data for improving health systems.

John Darsie: (01:59)
He was noted in his role as a whistleblower, and a leader of a key two-year long investigation into the controversial drug safety and risk data of Vioxx, Celebrex and Bextra, that drew FDA and national attention.

John Darsie: (02:12)
Highlighted and expressed, published in JAMA, as corresponding joint first author, he was also recognized for his role in the New York Times and in the book, Poison Pills, The Untold Story of the Vioxx Drug Scandal.

John Darsie: (02:25)
A reminder, if you have any talks or any questions for Dr. Feigl-Ding during today's SALT Talk, you can enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen. I imagine today will be one where people have a lot of questions about what the future holds for COVID-19, as well as sort of an examination on the original outbreak.

John Darsie: (02:42)
Hosting today's interview, is going to be Anthony Scaramucci, who is the Founder and Managing Partner of SkyBridge Capital, a global alternative investment firm. Anthony is also the Chairman of SALT. With that, I'll turn it over to Anthony for the interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:55)
See doc, we have so much respect for you, that we dressed up like billionaires. See, I'm wearing my Mark Zuckerberg hoodie, but it's a source of frustration for me. My only suit out here, my wife has it in the dry cleaner, so I apologize for the way I'm dressed.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (03:13)
No worries.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:13)
Thank you for coming on. I think it's always an important and central question, particularly for the younger people that are listening to our SALT Talks. How did you go in this direction with your career? What was the driving factor? Was it an Asian tiger mom who was like, "My son is his own internal tiger mom."

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (03:34)
Thanks.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:34)
"He just graduated from Stanford Business School. He's like a self-cleaning tiger mom?"

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (03:38)
Yes.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:38)
What was it about you and your family that turned you into this illustrious direction?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (03:43)
Well, I was a normal video game playing kid, who in high school, played way too much video games until I was 18. I had this big tumor when I was 17, the size of a tennis ball, baseball. They said, "You have a five-year diagnosis with this kind of tumor right here." I thought I was going to die.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (04:10)
They luckily took out the tumor, and it wasn't that kind of cancer. It kind of woke me up, jolted me up. Life is short, it's about what you do in life, not the number of video games you can master on Legendary. That kind of took me off the-

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:28)
Hold on, I got to get my six-year-old kid in here. Who's was playing Fortnite right now, somewhere in the house. I got to get him down here to hear that. See, this is why I love asking this question. You had a traumatic event, a health scare. How old were you, 18?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (04:44)
I was 17. They took out the tumor when I was 17, yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:47)
Okay, and how long did it take you to heal from all of that?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (04:50)
Well, it was like an open chest... they cut your rib cage apart kind of thing. It took a while, but I could still run. I started running a month after the surgery. My mom was like scared pretty, living [inaudible 00:05:05] that I was going to fall and crack my rib cage apart again.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (05:10)
No, it was good. I recovered, but couldn't be an astronaut or anything like that, that I wanted to originally be. Then it sent me in a different direction. I was really keen on risk and prevention of things, and that took me to Hopkins.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (05:29)
I wanted to be a doctor, but then I realized... I think epidemiology, predicting risk... because I became obsessed with it, when I went to college after my health scare. From there on, epidemiology was where fell in love with. I went to medical school too, but then I dropped out.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (05:47)
I did a doctorate in epidemiology and another doctorate in nutrition. I like, "You know what? Life's about what you need to do, not collecting a third doctorate or something behind your name or anything like that." That's why I became an epidemiologist.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:02)
Okay, so I love the philosophy. I'm going to take you back to January 20th, 2020, which feels like it's 7 to 10 years ago now. You posted a thread on Twitter, which I think got a lot of fanfare.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:18)
At that time, people still really didn't know what was going on, myself included. It was a pre-publication of a paper on the novel coronavirus, where you said, "Holy mother of God, the new coronavirus is a 3.8." What did that mean? Was that the [crosstalk 00:06:36]?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (06:36)
Yeah, that was the R-naught.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:37)
R-naught.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (06:37)
That was the R-naught.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:38)
The R-naught, okay.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (06:40)
At first, [crosstalk 00:06:40].

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:40)
Let's tell people what the R-naught is. Some of our viewers may not know.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (06:44)
Yeah, the R-naught is basically the R-naught, that means the raw part. Means for every infected person, that person infects 3.8 additional people in an exponential manner.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:56)
Per day.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (06:58)
Per transmission.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:59)
Per transmission.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (07:00)
Not per day, per transmission. That person gives-

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:02)
Okay.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (07:02)
... another 3.8, gives another 3.8. You can see how this thing just cascades out of control exponentially. Whether it's two-

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:09)
Something like the Ebola virus, what was the R-naught on the Ebola virus?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (07:13)
Ebola, it's slightly lower. The thing is, it's not just the R-Naught. It's also for example, Ebola fizzles out. Ebola's R-naught is a little lower and it fizzles out, because it kills 50%, case mortality. A virus that grows... you have to spread fast, but not kill everyone along the way too quickly.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (07:35)
If you do that, then it fizzles out. This is why this coronavirus or COVID-19 is such a weird in between. It kills those who are susceptible, especially if you're obese and a heart disease, or underlying factors with very high rate, what hospitalizes them.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (07:55)
Then for some young people, it just passes asymptomatically. They don't even know they're sick, but they're making everyone around them sick. This is why it's so pernicious. It's like a double-edged... really light and spreads really fast.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (08:11)
Contagious silently, but then it kills and maims those elderly and have risk factors. It's spread, and attends to super spread. It either spreads... oftentimes just one or two people, and then other times 60 people at a wedding for example.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (08:30)
We know this kind of stuff happens. In January, when I saw it, with the R-naught, I knew this was bad, because it wasn't just the paper. I have relatives in China who've been sharing info with me.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (08:43)
They basically piece up together like, "This is bad." Most scientists... I don't work in academia anymore. Most scientists are too shy, too gun-shy to say, "Call it out in a manner that everyone can hear." I had nothing to lose. I was leaving Harvard anyways.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (09:05)
I just said, "You know what? I'm going to go all out and say, "It's thermonuclear level bad. It's going to be really, really bad." Back then, you might as well tell people about aliens, to be honest. People don't know what the hell it is.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:21)
Well, you called it out. Some people listened. A lot of people, frankly, they didn't listen. As an example, the next day, South Korea got its first infection.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:33)
It seemed like they listened, had the right culture to respond to the virus. The United States got its first infection on the same day, January 21st. What do you think went wrong in the United States?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (09:48)
Yeah, there's a whole boatload of things. Someday we're going to have a reckoning of everything, but I think it's a culmination of-

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:52)
Okay, almost like a 9/11 Commission, a Coronavirus-

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (09:58)
Yeah, I think there will be. There definitely will be.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:00)
Yeah, sure. I believe that.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (10:02)
Not under the Trump administration, but someday.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:03)
A responsible officer of government will need to do that at some point, so that we can learn from it and figure out what-

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (10:11)
Yeah. I think what went wrong is a series of... we didn't react. There's like, people have this tendency to, "Oh, don't overreact. Don't be alarmist." There is a pro-alarmism and anti-alarmism. This climate change, people have been sounding alarm for a long time, but people don't see it.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (10:29)
People need to see it to believe it. I think people don't want to cause panic, because again, they scare the markets. At the same time, people have a limit of imagination. We haven't seen a pandemic like this in over 100 years, and we don't have a good memory of history.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (10:49)
Again, people can't believe something that they haven't seen themselves. They don't take it seriously. When it comes to taking precautions, people basically, "No, we don't have to go that extreme. No, we don't have to. That's too much." It's just that gut reaction. That's just the first line kind of thing.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (11:10)
Also, obviously testing. We should have tested aggressively. It's not just about how much you test, but how early and you do it. You contact trace. America is just... we have some lab testing issues, but we also didn't contact trace.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (11:27)
We didn't do lockdowns fast enough. We didn't do mask wearing early enough. There're so many things that we went wrong at. At the very minimum, we did not soak in the reality fast enough.

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:44)
Actually, they seem to have done that in Europe. They seem to have done that in parts of Asia, and their economies seem to be more open than our economy. Is that fair to say?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (11:54)
They are now, but their lockdowns were a lot harsher. Italy lockdowns, you weren't even allowed to go the park or go outside. In China, Wuhan, the lockdowns were so harsh. You were not even allowed to go outside, to go grocery shopping.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (12:08)
They would bring the food to your neighborhood, little community cluster. They were like, tie the food to a pulley to pull it up to your third, fourth, sixth floor apartment. It was just that intense and no one was allowed out.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:24)
[crosstalk 00:12:24].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (12:24)
They scanned their cell phone SIM cards, to make sure you weren't in the hotspot-

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:29)
Sure.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (12:29)
... because, "We don't believe if you haven't been to Wuhan. You show us your SIM card, has it touched a Wuhan SIM card tower?" We can't do that here. There is a degree of individuality and freedom. It's really difficult. Listening to big government, half the country is anti-big government.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (12:49)
This is what government's for. In times of crisis, coordinating all these kind of things. I think our society was just not prepared. We're just way too [inaudible 00:13:02]. If you actually look at some of your lockdown rules, it's half pages lockdowns, three pages of exemptions.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:08)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (13:10)
It's completely different, what we did.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:13)
Let's talk about the disease for a second, because we got a lot of information on this disease, some disinformation. I have friends of mine like Chris Cuomo that are long haulers.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:24)
They're having a hard time coming back from the disease 100%. What is the disease actually doing to the body? Is it a respiratory virus, or is it attacking other organs in the body? Contemporaneous to the respiratory area of our body.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (13:39)
Yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:39)
Tell us about the disease and your observation, and what we're learning from the epidemiologists and from the autopsies frankly?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (13:47)
Yeah, I think it's already showing that it's clearly more than just respiratory. It has neurological effects. Actually for example, the classic symptom of you losing your smell, it's actually not because your sensors are dulled. It's actually neurological.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (14:09)
It's because of affecting your nervous system. That's actually why you lose your sense of smell. Not because your receptors are malfunctioning. Similarly, you have brain fog. There's a lot of people with brain fog, long-term. The most-

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:25)
What is brain fog? These words are-

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (14:31)
Brain fog is just cognitive memory problems. Not [crosstalk 00:14:31].

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:31)
Hard time doing math.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (14:32)
Short term recall-

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:35)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (14:35)
These kind of verbal [crosstalk 00:14:37].

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:36)
I can't remember the name or the place that I was at or something like that.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (14:40)
Yeah, exactly.

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:41)
Yeah.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (14:41)
Exactly. It's just that memory fog, which people generically call it but-

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:44)
Is this stuff reversible, doc?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (14:48)
I don't know, this is the stuff that we're finding out. We're in a fog of war, literally. Here's the other thing, the frustration is, normally science is behind the walls. We figured out, "Oh shit, okay. This is true. This is not true. Okay, here's the story. All right, now let's go tell the public."

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (15:06)
Now people were so hungry, that we don't know... there's a lot of conflicting stuff. There's a lot crazy people peddling dangerous theories too at hydroxychloroquine. Being one of them, this other bleach thing and I can go on.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (15:27)
I think reversibility, we'll figure it out. I think there's other things like heart... we already know heart disease, myocarditis and other inflammations, also clearly well known.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (15:41)
There's actually some new evidence. I hate to tell it, but it actually affects sperm quality for a short period of time at least. In fact, if anything, if you actually want to tell people to wear masks and obey social distancing.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (15:59)
Tell the fragile, ego sensitive men who don't want to wear a mask, they will actually hurt their sperm quality. Honestly, that would actually get people to wear masks and social distance, way more than telling them, "Oh, you'll help other people. Protect them."

John Darsie: (16:19)
I thought college football would be the motivator for people in the South, but that didn't work either. Now a lot of places in the country have no college football.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:26)
Well, and just to let you know, doc, that worked for me. I'm masked up for the rest of the [crosstalk 00:16:31].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (16:30)
Masking up right now.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:31)
Okay, even though I don't have anybody near me, I just don't want anything to happen to my sperm.

John Darsie: (16:36)
You're still going, Anthony, huh? You still want more.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:39)
Yeah, [crosstalk 00:16:39].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (16:40)
Want more kids [crosstalk 00:16:41].

John Darsie: (16:41)
[crosstalk 00:16:41].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (16:41)
That's good. I only have-

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:42)
Yeah, I got a lot of kids. I may have a lot of kids coming. We'll just stick with the mask, I think until the end of this interview. Let's go to another question related to misinformation. The virus is just going to disappear. The virus is just like the flu.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (17:02)
Yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:03)
I am going to take the mask off.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (17:04)
Yeah, that is-

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:05)
I thought that was very dramatic. I thought I was having a dramatic moment there.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (17:08)
No, dramatic is necessary to get people... I tell people, literally, you have to shout in a way people can understand and emotionally connect with. If you're just using scientific talk-

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:20)
You got me with the sperm.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (17:20)
I know.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:21)
I'll be wearing a hazmat suit next time I'm in the local supermarket. Let's go to this information, the flu and the disappearing. I mean-

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (17:32)
First of all, the flu is... people don't get the flu test normally. We impute it from some statistical algorithm. For this, there's also, people are confused. There's two statistics. One, there's case fatality rate, with death among those diagnosed. Then there's infection fatality rate.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (17:55)
Infection fatality rate, is anywhere from 10 to 20 times the mortality of the flu, if you actually compare it. It is so much higher. Some people say it's five times, but even if it's five times more than the flu, it's a serious problem. The other thing is, many of us have some background immunity to the flu.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (18:24)
Very few people have any background immunity to this. There is some argument that if you have the other common cold coronavirus, you have some small immunity, but that is nothing close to herd community.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (18:37)
I think the herd immunity misinformation right now, is one of the largest. They say, "Oh, we don't need to infect 50%, 60%. We just need to infect 20%." Still, 20% is... other than Manhattan, downtown Manhattan, most other places aren't even close to 20%. They're not even close to 10%.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (19:01)
Actually, the number of people being harmed and maimed is so dangerous. I think that is part of this... right now, Scott Atlas keeps saying "Herd immunity, herd immunity." It is so dangerous. Fauci is calling it out.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (19:15)
Sweden, that tried herd immunity, all their leading scientists basically say, "Don't do what we did. Doing herd is an example of how not to fight a deadly infectious disease." That misinformation... but it's being misused by those who want to reopen businesses and pretend everything is normal.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (19:38)
Look, we've had flares. If you look at Israel, Israel had a big peak and then smashed it down. They thought everything's okay. They reopen everything, and then everything went out of control. There was no herd immunity there, and it is just so, so dangerous. I think there's misinformation.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (19:57)
People just want to grasp anything. Now, you remind me of the movie, The American President, in which, Michael J. Fox says to President Shepherd, played by Michael Douglas, "People are so thirsty for leadership, that they will crawl to a Mirage. When they discover it's not there, they'll drink the sand."

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (20:21)
Michael Douglas, President Shepard replies, "No, people don't drink the sand, because they're thirsty. They drink the sand, because they don't know the difference." Right now, in the middle of the fog of war, there's so much information. People want to drink something, to know that they're going to be okay.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (20:44)
Oftentimes, there's quacks and snake oil salesmen just trying to peddle things that's a mirage, that's like sand. Science of course, doesn't give you the instant satisfaction answers. Long story short, people are just misled so easily, so easily right now about this coronavirus.

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:10)
You have a family. I have a family. John has a family. Kids are going back to school, Eric. What do you do there? Be our guru, be our therapist, be our epidemiologist, be our scientist.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (21:24)
Yeah. First of all, WHO says, "You should not reopen anything, schools included, until you have less than 5% positivity in your area for 14 consecutive days, consecutive days." I think that's even very kind of like generous. To be honest, we sure need to go for zero COVID.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (21:47)
In absence of that being a reality, I think A, there definitely should be a mandatory mask wearing. Yeah, the indoor distancing does not... it's not that important I think, in the grand scheme. We know there's aerosol transmission. Aerosol transmission, compared to droplets.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (22:09)
There's three kinds of transmission. There's fomite, which means surface contact, touch a dirty doorknob, touch your face. There is droplets, as in when you spit, the ballistic droplet falls down by gravity within six feet. That's where the six feet rule comes from.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (22:26)
Aerosols float in the air. They float literally throughout the whole room, however big the room is. There's evidence in Netherlands, it's gone through some air conditioning ducts that recycle the air. It can be there for 20 minutes or four hours. I think ventilation is so key, masking, ventilation.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (22:48)
If you can't ventilate, at least six exchanges per hour, which is once every 10 minutes. Not many places have that kind of ventilation. Then you need to use filtration. If you can't use filtration, you should also add UV and the HVAC system too. To kill the germs whenever you recycle the air.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (23:11)
A lot of our schools are outdated. They can't open the windows. Actually they can't open their windows and doors, because just schools' anti-shooting security system prevents it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (23:23)
Sure.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (23:24)
Which is a very double sad, with all the gun violence. Some classrooms are interspersed. The thing is, most schools are poorly ventilated. It's one of those things where you have to demand as a PTA, buy HEPA and MERV 13 air filters, if you can't ventilate your classrooms.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (23:50)
Kids should definitely wear masks and maybe face shields too, to be extra conservative. It's all about your degree of risk acceptance. What's not acceptable, is just sending your kid without a mask. It's really frustrating. It's all depending on how much is the community spread?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (24:10)
Are the schools taking safeguards? Are they ventilating? If you don't ventilate, are you filtering the air or just sanitizing it in some way? To be honest, not many schools have that. Or funding from parents groups, who can fund all this kind of stuff.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:28)
Are the planes safe? A little bit smaller than a school.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (24:31)
Planes have good air turnover. They do. I will say that. They have exchanges once every six minutes, eight minutes. The problem is you're super packed in there. You're like elbow to elbow. I'm like six foot. I've really wide shoulders. You're [crosstalk 00:24:50].

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:50)
Don't rub it in, Eric [inaudible 00:24:53].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (24:54)
All right. Sorry. Anyways, I [crosstalk 00:24:56].

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:58)
We're all the same height when we're sitting down. Everybody take it easy. [inaudible 00:25:01].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (25:01)
Yeah. Hey, Fauci is-

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:06)
Fauci is my man.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (25:07)
He's the man. He's not tall. Height is not the ultimate measure in this day and age. I'm just saying like, if you're packed in there, the... and people eat and drink. To Ted Cruz who has taken off his mask... many people do take off their masks, to eat and drink on airplanes.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (25:27)
There's actually an airplane... a documented case in a medical journal. Someone was wearing a mask, but he took his mask off to eat and got infected during that time, by people around him who were positive. He wasn't positive and didn't travel to any other places, but he took his mask off next to them. Boom, he got infected.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (25:51)
I think the airplanes... certain airlines actually blocked the middle seat. I really respect Southwest, and Delta and JetBlue, who actually blocked their middle seats. Or Southwest is selling only two thirds of total seats, which is the same. United American, they're not blocking the middle seat.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (26:10)
When you're jammed in there and you're snacking, you're going to spread. This virus, it spreads more if you shout. This virus will spread when you even breathe. That's the honest, scary thing. Just the act of breathing, gives out aerosols. Again, the mask, cloth masks are good for catching yours.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (26:34)
If other people are breathing out while eating, then you're going to get it, even if you're wearing a cloth mask. That's why you should also wear a premium mask. This is why also airplanes are... it's why the airlines are not booking the middle seats.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:48)
All right, this has been terrific. I'm going to ask you one more question, and I'm going to turn it over to John for outside questions or audience participation. Let's talk about the vaccine for a second. The stories about a vaccine coming in the fall, is that realistic or is that hype?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (27:10)
The vaccine, so we will get trial results of some phase threes that are finishing. What I'm worried is that, they're going to get an interim peak at the trial, halfway through, before they finish. You have to enroll enough people and follow them enough, in enough amount of time. They're going to get an interim peak, I bet.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (27:35)
My fear is they're going to emergency use authorize it way too early. If you want to truly know whether it's safe and effective, you need to have enough people studied, for long enough follow-up time.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (27:51)
My worry is that before the election, they're going to do this interim peak. Then they're going to approve it, based on some early data. You have to first of all, just aside from the safety efficacy, it needs to be at least 50% effective. You have to be sure enough, because every stat has a confidence interval.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (28:16)
You have to be 95% sure enough that it's not unaffected, and not like 30%, which is crap for a vaccine. You have to be sure enough, but I bet there's going to be a push to approve it. Just like hydroxychloroquine was approved. Convalescent plasma was approved.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (28:35)
Remdesivir was approved for wide use, even though their trial wasn't for a world wide-use. They're going to push it through. I think that's careless and callous. If anything, vaccines, you want to convince people to take it.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (28:51)
If you push it through it, you're going to actually scare more people and scare them off of using it, even when eventually you have all the data to say it's good. Communication's really important. If you do something too early, people get too scared. Even when you do it properly later, they don't trust you anymore.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (29:15)
That is my worry. We will get a vaccine, I'm sure. Hopefully in due time, after the phase three trials are done. My worry is, we're going to get it pre-approved, emergency approved before it's over and it's going to create a shit show.

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:31)
All right. Well, we really appreciate the clarity and the factual basis of all the information, Eric. Doctor, thank you. Let me it over to John Darsie.

John Darsie: (29:43)
I got a bunch of questions here, from emails and people posting in the chat. I think we'll pack our last 15 minutes here. Dr. Feigl-Ding, thanks again for joining us.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (29:52)
Sure.

John Darsie: (29:52)
This is very timely and our audience is enjoying it a lot. The first question is about the World Health Organization. Obviously, Donald Trump is not the first person to criticize the WHO.

John Darsie: (30:06)
Well, they got a few things wrong in the early part of the pandemic. There is a lot of people that have criticized their early response to the pandemic, but is pulling out of the WHO the answer.

John Darsie: (30:16)
In a post-WHO world, let's say Donald Trump wins again and serves another four years. Or we're trying to rebuild another super national organization, to help us combat global pandemics and other public health issues.

John Darsie: (30:31)
Were they right to question the WHO and pull out of the WHO? I think I know the answer to that question. What can we do globally to sort of create a cohesive plan for preventing this type of calamity again, that's had so much economic and social negative impact?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (30:45)
Yeah. First of all, I feel WHO is an organization that is completely built around trying to help global health. What people forget is, these viruses, they come from... Ebola comes from Africa, MERS came from the middle East. There's many viruses that could emerge from anywhere.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (31:09)
It's WHO that makes sure that they extinguish it, in the far nether reaches of where often times these outbreaks start. 9 to 10 times, you haven't heard of Guinea worms or many or polio... and they crop up every once in a while. WHO keeps them in check.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (31:33)
If they didn't keep it in check, they would be on your neighborhood door honestly. People don't see that. It's kind of like, if you build a crosswalk at this dangerous intersection and instead of 10 people dying a year, of being run over, no one dies. No one's grateful for the crosswalk being there. WHO is like that.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (31:55)
Of course, when they make them blunder, it's very visible. The 99% of time in which they actually make sure that Ebola doesn't reach your shores, and TB is not... you're not coughing up TB, is because they kept it in check, in the far nether reaches of Africa or India or South America.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (32:16)
That's why we don't have Zika brain damaged babies here in the US, when we could have easily had it a few years ago. I think WHO serves a great purpose. Their comms can definitely be improved. There is a working group to actually reform WHO. There's definitely going to be a reckoning.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (32:33)
Pulling out from it is so dumb, because if you want to change it... and this is a UN organization that is definitely staying around, it's not going to die out. You need a seat at the table.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (32:44)
This is why I'm saying, oftentimes even with people you disagree with, if you want to change them, you need to engage with them and have a seat at that table, with someone you disagree with. I think you US pulling out is stupid. Also, just yesterday, they pull out from WHO's COVAX, vaccine consortium.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (33:04)
WHO's working on a whole slew of another dozen or two vaccines. While the US is only committed to a couple, like half a dozen in Warp Speed. It's kind of like an insurance project. If you don't want to join the vaccine group organized by WHO, you're putting all our eggs on a limited number of vaccines.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (33:26)
It's a risk. During a pandemic, you want to actually get insurance. I think A, pulling out of WHO. B, refusing to join the WHO vaccine consortium, to share other resources of working vaccines is just stupid in the long run.

John Darsie: (33:43)
You alluded to this earlier, when you were talking about using the sperm example as a way to clearly communicate something visceral to an audience, that might not take the virus as seriously, as they would otherwise, if they heard an example like it reduces your sperm count or the quality of your sperm.

John Darsie: (33:58)
There seems to be a rise in misinformation, and anti-vax movements and things like that. I think there was a poll that I saw a couple of months ago, that nearly 30% of the population is at least vaccine skeptical, if not, anti-vax.

John Darsie: (34:13)
Why do you think that is creeping up as part of sort of American culture, where we're rejecting science at? How do we come up with an information campaign, to combat the misinformation that's causing public health issues frankly? You're seeing increase in diseases that were dormant for many years, because of anti-vax movements.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (34:32)
Yeah, the anti-vax movement is very tricky. It's a confluence of different things, like a study over the years. It's partly a distrust to big pharma, because pharma has jacked up the price of insulin.

John Darsie: (34:46)
You're familiar with that, of course. It's [crosstalk 00:34:48].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (34:48)
Yeah, of peddling dangerous drugs. Opioid epidemic, jacking up the price of EpiPens for kids with allergies. That either feeds into all this. They're all tied, because it's this distrust of big pharma. Secondly, the anti-vaxxer movement, it also feeds on this globalists, anti-globalist conspiracy.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (35:13)
AQ [inaudible 00:35:13] for example, there is a poll that came out, only 13% of Republicans don't believe in AQ [inaudible 00:35:20]. That's crazy. The fact that there's... 87% of Republicans believe in the AQ [inaudible 00:35:26] conspiracies, is just mind blowing.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (35:29)
It's just part of that same distrust of the machine, whatever they... even though science does not care. The virus does not care about your political beliefs or religious beliefs, but there is this movement to be anti-science, because for some reason, science is part of the establishment. I think that's very hurtful.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (35:52)
I think this vaccine will actually show us, if we do not get vaccination... because herd immunity does work if you vaccinate. Vaccine is the only safe way to get to herd immunity. Say the vaccine is only 60% or 70% effective, and then only two thirds of people take it, then you're going to drop below 50% potentially.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (36:17)
That's going to be really bad, because if many people don't take it, then this epidemic will just keep raging onwards and we're going to pay a way, way higher price. We need to extinguish it, before we can actually truly get back to normal.

John Darsie: (36:32)
What would you deaths in the United States have looked like, if we said, "You know what? We're going to take a full herd immunity approach. We're going to actively infect members of the population, so that we can reopen the economy." What would the death count have looked like in your estimation?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (36:44)
It would potentially be in the millions, honestly. In the millions, because here's the thing, elderly is a risk factor. I think another major risk factor is obesity. Especially among the severe morbidly obese. There's almost no one who gets hospitalized with morbidly obesity, and doesn't go on a ventilator.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (37:06)
That's just that scary. Tons of diabetes is a risk factor, a heart disease is a risk factor. Many kidney diseases are also risk factors, in addition to being immunocompromised. Then that's just deaths and hospitalization.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (37:26)
Then there's people, there's long COVID... or being maimed with long-term mental... the brain fog, mental scarring, as well as other diseases. It's not just mortality, but also long-term morbidity that's actually causing... that herd immunity, would be a extremely, extremely dangerous act.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (37:50)
This is why when Joni Ernst yesterday, she peddled two conspiracy theories in a row. One, about herd and then the 6% thing. The other thing about, doctors are over-billing just to make money from it. It's insane. By the way, the 6% thing is basically saying, "Only 6% of people who died, did not have any risk factors."

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (38:09)
That's kind of like saying, "Look, hey, there is a meteor that's going to drop on this town. 94% of this town has some sort of risk factors, diabetes, heart disease, high blood pressure, et cetera." When the meteor crashes down, it wasn't the meteor that killed them. It was the risk factors. Only-

John Darsie: (38:31)
Right, only like 40% of Americans have two or more chronic diseases.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (38:34)
Oh, yeah.

John Darsie: (38:35)
Isn't that right?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (38:36)
Exactly, two thirds of Americans have major risk factors and that's excluding age. If you include age, you're getting close to 80, 90%. This is why it's so, so dangerous. Again, most cancer patients, 95% of cancer patients who are near death, have risk factors.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (38:59)
Does that mean that 95% of cancer deaths are fake, because they have other risk factors? No, it was the cancer. I think all the conspiracy theory is incredibly, incredibly dangerous. That we have sitting members of Congress like Iowa Senator, Joni Ernst peddling it, is just... it's ludicrous.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (39:16)
Iowa right now, by the way, is having one of the worst epidemics. Their mortality is soaring. Their cases per capita is one of the highest in the country. I think it's top three right now. This is why these conspiracy theories are dangerous, because it tells people to be complacent.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (39:35)
They're going to keep spreading it. Maybe a young person catches it at the beginning, or a kid at school. You know what? They're going to spread it to mommy and daddy, or grandparents. Again, 8 or 9 out of 10 people actually have risk factors. You can't quarantine a kid from the rest of the family. That just doesn't work.

John Darsie: (39:54)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (39:55)
That's why it's incredibly dangerous.

John Darsie: (39:57)
What about reinfection? It's still sort of a under dispute, about the idea of reinfection. There was a patient in Hong Kong, who showed asymptomatic reinfection. There was a Nevada who ended up in the hospital.

John Darsie: (40:11)
His first infection was far more mild. Are people getting reinfected? What's the early data on that? How does that impact what the long-term benefits of the vaccine will be?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (40:21)
Yeah, so these are good, two separate questions. First of all, about the reinfection, we've known about, it's possible for a while, but from anecdotal reports. To prove it, you needed to actually have this Hong Kong and Reno, Nevada example, in which they had a sample of the original virus and a sample of the new virus.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (40:40)
They compared the genome, the RNA of the virus. The viruses are completely different, so that we know that for example, that it's a different virus. As opposed to the virus just being [inaudible 00:40:52] in your body.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (40:54)
As you pointed out, in Hong Kong one was... the second infection was asymptomatic. This Reno one, the second time the guy got infected, he got hospitalized for quite a while. We don't know how common it is, because it's really hard to do this double virus, genome RNA test.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (41:15)
It's definitely possible, but I think it's probably not the case most of the time. Most of the time, most of the people do have some sort of immunity or crossover immunity. If you were previously infected by a common cold coronavirus type, you have partial immunity to this. It shows that it's not guaranteed.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (41:37)
I think for the vaccine though, it's not a likely worry, because the vaccine targets... there's different versions. This is why we need a pool of vaccines, because there's not just one single vaccine.

John Darsie: (41:52)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (41:52)
There's some that's attenuated or actually inactivated. Some, they put it into... the RNA, put it into another virus particle to carry it. Then basically, they want you to learn. It's a virus training program. That's what a vaccine is.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (42:11)
There's different training programs to train your body. I think this is why we need... even if one vaccine is less than perfect, say it's... the measles vaccine's great, 98%. Most vaccines oftentimes are less than 98%. Even if it's not perfect, we need to put our eggs in more baskets.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (42:31)
This reinfection thing just teaches us, this vaccine could be better short term. This vaccine could be better long term. This is why we... not WHO vaccine consortium, which has way more vaccines in their consortium than our Warp Speed program is kind of stupid.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (42:50)
We need to actually consider and try all the different vaccines, to see which one is the best long term. Hopefully, this virus is not a fast mutator. It's not like the flu.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (43:01)
The flu has this fast recombination system. This one has... it's a slow mutator. We're hopeful that it will have lasting effects, but we need to put our eggs in more baskets, as any investor would know.

John Darsie: (43:15)
I want to talk about Sweden for a minute, before we wrap up. We've had a few questions about that. There's been a lot of hand wringing over the Sweden approach, which is, to allow more free movement in the economy, keep the economy relatively open.

John Darsie: (43:28)
As you alluded to earlier, Sweden has suffered similar health problems, if not worse than neighboring countries and other countries around the world. They also have not been immune to the economic impacts of the virus, which sort of goes to show that the slump in the economy is not a matter of the economy being closed.

John Darsie: (43:45)
It's a matter of people not wanting to go out, and they could be potentially infected by a deadly disease. Could you talk more about the... exactly what the results are of that experiment... were in Sweden, and what we learned from that?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (43:58)
Yeah. Well, the Swedish experiment is not a scientific experiment. It's more like a social-

John Darsie: (44:03)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (44:03)
Hey, laissez-faire policy. Sweden, if you look at the curves, have enormous infection. Sweden used to be the same country as Norway, by the way, they split decades ago.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (44:16)
If you look at Swedish versus Finland to the East, Norway to the West, Denmark to the direct South on a bridge, all this Nordic Scandinavian neighbors did exponentially better, in terms of cases or mortality. Swedish mortality is finally going down a little bit.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (44:31)
It's been really, really bad and cumulative, much worse. Their economy is actually no better. Again, you're right, it's the demand. It's not the business closing per se, it's that people are scared. This is why the best analogy is Jurassic Park.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (44:52)
If you reopen Jurassic Park with the velociraptors still roaming around, people are not wanting to come back to Jurassic Park. Even if you say, "The park is open, we have tasers." No, just because you have tasers and we have distancing masks and shields, the people are not going to come to your park.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (45:11)
That's the underlying thing, until we get this under control, the demand is not going to come back. Demand is not just cash demand, in terms of cash on hand and the marginal propensity to consume on a macro scale.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (45:27)
It's the micro demand, because there's just... people are scared go out in here. In terms of Sweden, in terms of like herd immunity, I don't think it's truly reached herd immunity. You also can't compare Sweden to US. Sweden has universal healthcare.

John Darsie: (45:47)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (45:47)
You have any illness, you do not have to pay a cent basically. Yes, they have taxes, but in terms of on an everyday out-of-pocket cost, you pay almost nothing. They have perfect contact tracing, or they've a medical record system that's all linked. It's a complete [crosstalk 00:46:06].

John Darsie: (46:07)
Their ability to socialize the costs, the healthcare costs [crosstalk 00:46:11].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (46:11)
Here people are dying, because they can't afford a test. People-

John Darsie: (46:16)
It's been said that, Trump tries to say and others try to say that we're over counting the number of deaths from COVID. There is a lot of suggestion that we're actually severely under counting, because of home deaths. [crosstalk 00:46:28].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (46:27)
We're under counting by 10X.

John Darsie: (46:28)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (46:29)
All the studies show, the true infection is actually 10X higher than what our case count right now is. We just passed 6 million, just a couple of days ago. We're going to definitely pass 7 million this month.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (46:42)
We're definitely going to pass 8 million in October. By Election Day, we're going to have at least 8 million. I'm pretty sure about that. 8 million [crosstalk 00:46:49]

John Darsie: (46:49)
[crosstalk 00:46:49] US population.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (46:51)
Not just 8 million multiply by 10.

John Darsie: (46:53)
Yeah, if looking at the US population, you're thinking a quarter of the US population has probably been infected with the virus.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (47:03)
By end of the year, yes.

John Darsie: (47:04)
Yes.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (47:06)
Still, that's not quite herd immunity levels.

John Darsie: (47:11)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (47:12)
Again, it doesn't truly kick in, until you're way higher. Look, this there is no easy way out. People are trying to dream up danceable ways like Sweden, as a fancy of a way to get out of this. There is no magic bullet. It's the velociraptor Jurassic Park example.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (47:31)
Demand is not going to truly come back until all this is solved. Conferences, businesses are not going to hold these global in-person massive business conferences, where everyone's rubbing elbows and shaking hands, because the risk is too high.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (47:49)
That is what's the underlying problem. Until actually we feel the risk is low enough, all the normal businesses and exchanges, and business meetings are not going to happen. I think that is the ultimate lesson. This is why chasing zero COVID is the best way.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (48:09)
There's ways to do that without lockdowns now, by ventilation, mask wearing and premium mask. Cloth masks are good for catching your droplets, but the premium mask, like surgical, N95, KN95s are way better actually filtering out these.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (48:27)
Especially if a lot of people don't wear a mask. See, the less people wear masks, the more you need to wear premium masks. If you're surrounded by people who don't wear masks, because-

John Darsie: (48:35)
Put on your mask and things like that.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (48:37)
Yeah, only the premium mask protects you from them, if a lot of people around you don't wear a mask. We shouldn't have like a Defense Production Act for that months ago, but here we are, we don't.

John Darsie: (48:47)
Right. It just came out in the last, I think couple hours, that the CDC is asking states to speed approvals of their vaccine sites, so they're ready by November 1st. You think that's a politically driven decision, that it's not a coincidence that-?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (49:00)
It's not a coincidence.

John Darsie: (49:00)
.... it's two days before the election?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (49:02)
Look, we know the October surprise, is the least surprising of any Octobers. The surprise everyone talks about, is that basically Trump will force his FDA to emergency approve the... probably the [inaudible 00:49:22], or maybe one of the other ones.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (49:24)
They're going to force approve whichever one they have the most data for. They're going to hail its success, but no one's going to actually get an actual vaccine shot by then, because their productions on a ketchup.

John Darsie: (49:36)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (49:36)
They'll only go to healthcare workers at the beginning anyways. I don't think we're getting an actual vaccine, until spring of next year at the earliest. At the very beginning, there's going to be shortages.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (49:48)
This October surprise, it's coming and they're going to force the vaccine through. At's going to A, it's going to empower the anti-vaxxers, right?

John Darsie: (50:00)
Right, [crosstalk 00:50:00].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (50:00)
They're going to say, "Oh, we don't have all the data. We don't know if it's safe." The scientists will actually say, "We don't actually have all the data or that we need to fully evaluate it." It's going to empower anti-vaxxers. In the long run, we're actually going to hurt ourselves.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (50:17)
We're going to lose credibility. By we, I mean, as a country. CDC, FDA is going to lose credibility, whenever they ... or FDA emergency approves this. It's going to be a shit show.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (50:29)
This is what I'm really concerned, because this vaccine rollout, I guarantee you, we're not going to be talking about herd immunity or hydroxychloroquine when October, November comes. It's going to be this rushed vaccine. Again, it's only going to empower the conspiracy theorists.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (50:51)
I hate to say it, but unless we can stop it, we're... and can actually roll out the vaccine in a safe way, once all the data comes in... basically, until Fauci says, "It's okay," we're going to lose our credibility if we rush it ahead of Fauci.

John Darsie: (51:08)
What would Fauci do? I'm going to get the wristband printed up and sent out, or what would Dr. Feigl-Ding?

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (51:12)
What would Fauci do?

John Darsie: (51:14)
Yeah, [crosstalk 00:51:14].

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (51:15)
Yeah, we should have those shirts. Well, Fauci would wait for the phase three trial to run its course. Every trial's like posted on clinicaltrials.gov. Run its course, of however many people enroll. Do it for the entire amount of time that you're required, and make sure that we have enough confidence.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (51:34)
That the efficacy is high enough. That it's not just like, "Oh, we're 50%, but with 20 or 80% uncertainty." That were certain about the efficacy. We're certain that the safety signals clearly show that there's no increased risk. Then the Fauci would approve it. That data is not going to [inaudible 00:51:59] December or January.

John Darsie: (52:01)
Right.

Dr. Eric Feigl-Ding: (52:01)
The proper way, so that's-

John Darsie: (52:04)
All right. Well, fascinating stuff. Thanks for taking sort of an extra 10 minutes. We went over time, but we had a lot of important things to talk about. Thanks so much for taking time out of your busy schedule. I know you've been one of the leaders in combating the misinformation, it's been out there.

John Darsie: (52:17)
Your Twitter feed is an amazing resource in and of itself, for following the information on the pandemics. Thanks so much for everything you're doing. Anthony, do you have a final word for Dr. Feigl-Ding?

Anthony Scaramucci: (52:28)
No, just for our general population. In all seriousness, wear the mask, keep your family safe. Listen to the scientists and listen to the facts, and we'll all be safer and healthier.

Anthony Scaramucci: (52:40)
Doc, thanks so much. Hopefully, we can have you back at the end of the year, and talk a little more about where you think things are going to set up for 2021.

John Darsie: (52:50)
Sure, absolutely. Stay safe everyone

Anthony Scaramucci: (52:52)
Wish you all the best.

Robert Draper: "To Start a War: How the Bush Administration Took America Into Iraq" | SALT Talks #47

“Damage done to our intelligence agencies isn’t systemic and permanent, but it isn’t a matter of replacing one President with another.“

Robert Draper is a Writer-at-Large at The New York Times Magazine, as well as a contributing writer to National Geographic. He is the author of several books, including the recently published To Start a War: How The Bush Administration Took America Into Iraq. Robert first became acquainted with the then-Governor of Texas, George W. Bush, when he was writing for the Texas Monthly. He then moved to Washington, D.C. to write a biography on President Bush after seeing existing ones fall short of capturing his full story.

“Before 9/11, President Bush intended to be a domestic President.” There was a focus on tax cuts and jobs creation, and a passive approach to potential international conflict. President Bush didn’t lean into the intelligence about 9/11 and, as a result, retaliated stronger than he needed to compensate for this shortcoming.

“One uncomfortable truth that this President has been unwilling or unable to abide is that Russia interfered with the 2016 election.” In 2016, the Russians assumed that Clinton was going to win and sought to delegitimize her Presidency and demoralize her electorate. However, once they saw that then-candidate Trump had the potential to win, they stepped up their disinformation campaign.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Robert Draper.jpeg

Robert Draper

Writer-at-Large

The New York Times Magazine

MODERATOR

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Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:08)
Hello, everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the managing director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. SALT Talks are a digital interview series that we launched during this work from home period in which we try to really replicate the experience that we provide at our SALT conference series.

John Darsie: (00:29)
And what we're really trying to do is provide a window into the mind of subject matter experts, as well as provide a platform for what we think are important ideas that are shaping the future. And we're very excited today to welcome Robert Draper to SALT Talks. Robert is a writer at large for the New York Times Magazine and a contributing writer to National Geographic. He is the author of several acclaimed books. And one of which we'll talk about today, his most recent book, which is, To Start a War: How the Bush Administration Took America Into Iraq.

John Darsie: (00:57)
And Robert is really one of the preeminent writers talking about the Bush administration period. He wrote a previous book about the Bush administration as well, closer to the time that they were an office. Robert lives in Washington, D.C today. And a reminder, if you have any questions for Robert during today's SALT Talk, you can enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen.

John Darsie: (01:16)
And conducting today's interview again will be Anthony Scaramucci, the founder, and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital, a global alternative investment firm. Anthony is also the chairman of SALT. And with that, I'll turn it over to Anthony for the interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:29)
John, thank you. Robert, great to have you on. I've read several of your books and obviously I always try to read your articles in New York Times Magazine. Before we get into that though, tell us a little bit about your professional and personal background. How did you find this career arc and what was driving you as a kid to get you to where you are today?

Robert Draper: (01:50)
Sure. Anthony, thanks for having me on. And I'm kind of the black sheep of my family. I come from a family of lawyers, but I found at a very early age that I was basically incapable of doing anything other than writing. And so thank God. I mean, it's to figure out how to do it for a living. I'm from Houston, Texas originally. I became a staff writer in Texas Monthly. And while I was a staff writer there in the 1990s and became acquainted with the new governor of Texas George W. Bush, and got to know him. And so at around the time that he moved to Washington and became president, I sort of sat back and waited to see how his presidency would unwind. I had no aspirations of making in cottage industry out of Bush, like the way a lot of Texas journalists had.

Robert Draper: (02:38)
But then by the end of his first term I had frankly decided that none of the other biographies about Bush really captured the character of Bush as I knew it. And so I sought to make myself his biographer as it were. And I moved to Washington, D.C. I've been here ever since.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:56)
And so one of the Bush books was Dead Certain, you sort of wrote that during the mid, not the middle, but the second term of the administration. And this is sort of the second book, is that correct? Would be the second one?

Robert Draper: (03:11)
Exactly, yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:12)
Right. And so I may just hold the book up. I love promoting fellow authors. Robert, in case you didn't know, I've written four New York Times internationally recognized bestsellers. And if you don't believe me, come into my basement, I'll show you every copy that I had to buy to make that happen.

Robert Draper: (03:27)
Outstanding.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:28)
But you on the other hand, actually sell books, which is very impressive. And this is a fantastic read and we're going to get into it in a second. But I want to talk to you first about a New York Times Magazine article that you wrote recently called Unwanted Truths: Inside President Trump's battle with the U.S. intelligence agencies. Tell our viewers and listeners, what are the unwanted truths that were in that article and how is the president trying to subvert them?

Robert Draper: (03:55)
Sure. Anthony, the story is basically about the collision course between a president who his counselor Kellyanne Conway, memorably described as embracing alternative facts. The collision between that kind of person and a community of government officials, whose job it is to actually lay out the facts to present the uncomfortable truth. And the one uncomfortable truth in particular that this president has been unwilling or unable to abide has been the manner that Russia interfered with the 2016 election to swing the election towards Trump. And it tends to do so yet again for the same purpose in 2020.

Robert Draper: (04:38)
To this president, and I think it's understandable why he would feel this way to suggest that Russia tried to make him president is to call into question the legitimacy of his presidency. But rather than recognize that reality for what it is and to own it and to say, "Therefore, we're going to make sure that this doesn't happen again." He has time and again, refused to acknowledge that, that's true. In fact, said the opposite that it's not true. And more to the point, and this is what my story really deals with Anthony, has punished those people in the intelligence community who have said what the intelligence community has plainly assessed, namely that Russia tried to swing the election in his favor.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:20)
Okay. So there are many of our fellow Americans that did not believe that Russia tried to sway the election in his favor. So for the benefit of some of the people on this call, tell us what you learned from the intelligence agencies in terms of what Russia was doing in 2016, and then secondarily, what do you think they will be doing in 2020? What are they already doing in 2020?

Robert Draper: (05:44)
Sure. In 2016, the Russians assumed as did everyone, including I think candidate Donald Trump, that Hillary Clinton was going to win. And so their chief aim was to delegitimize her, to demoralize her electorate, to make her presidency a hobbled one at the outset. Sometime in the fall of 2016 it became apparent to the Russians that the Republican nominee could actually win. And so they began to step up their disinformation. They began to try unsuccessfully to hack into infrastructure, to use various trolls and bots on Facebook and elsewhere to amplifying negative messages relating to Hillary and to promote candidate Trump. And it's impossible to know Anthony, to what degree, if at all, that was determinative. It may well be that Trump would have won anyway, we'll never know. But what is clear is that, and the intelligence community assessed this, was that, that was what Russia did. And that's why Russia did it.

Robert Draper: (06:49)
They have sought again to do so in 2020. And what I write about in this story is a national intelligence estimate, which is this assessment that is made by the entire intelligence community on any particular subject. This one had to do with Russia attempting yet again to interfere this upcoming November. And once again, it assessed that Russia favored the current president. That Russia probably believed that under a new president there would be increased sanctions and it would just basically be much more of a slog for the Russians.

Robert Draper: (07:20)
And again, using I think I'll be at in a more sophisticated manner on trolls and bots through the Russian internet agency, through other means. They are also still trying to hack into our infrastructure. And the Department of Homeland Security has spearheaded what we hope will be a successful counter to them. But what is already clear, Anthony, is that if DHS and the rest of the government succeeds, it will not be because President Trump has encouraged them to succeed, really it will be the opposite since the president has now pushed out this message that no, no, it's not really Russia that's trying to interfere, it's China. And China's trying to interfere in Biden's behalf, not mine. So it's China, we should be concerned about.

Anthony Scaramucci: (08:05)
Yeah, no say, listen, and I appreciate that this information is out there. One last question on this, the damage done to our intelligence agencies, Robert, is it repairable? Is it something we can recover from? Or has he done systemic and permanent damage?

Robert Draper: (08:22)
I don't think it's systemic and permanent, Anthony, but it's also not simply a matter of replacing one president with another. I think that we have lost some credibility within the intelligence community among potential human assets who now aren't sure just whether we're on the level. There has been concern that information given that finds its way to this president could then be leaked to the Russians. And frankly, even if President Trump is defeated, Anthony, as you well know that does not mean that Trumpism will be. And it does not mean that there will suddenly be a wholehearted embrace of the intelligence community's findings of faith in government institutions far from it. And I suspect that we're in for a long haul here. And the intelligence community is going to be caught in the crossfire, just like a lot of other government institutions.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:15)
Not a lot to say, I think it's well said. Do you think there's any Russian involvement in these protests that are being organized around the country? Particularly the one in Kenosha, Wisconsin.

Robert Draper: (09:26)
I don't know about Kenosha, Anthony, but the New York Times did report on, about a week ago that the intelligence community believed that there was evidence of Russian activity in the protest in Portland, and that they were doing what they could, Russians were actual live bodies on the ground to sort of fan the flames of that sense disorder. Basically, helps stoke the argument that what we need is law and order, and thus what we need is the president. For Kenosha, I'm not aware of any intelligence that indicates that. But it is not a very far leap of the imagination from Portland to Kenosha, to figure that at minimum, they are feeding disinformation that relates to the riots and that maximum were actually participants on it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:12)
Well, I mean, it's just curious, Kenosha, Wisconsin itself, if you look at the electoral map, it's going be very difficult for the president to win without Wisconsin.

Robert Draper: (10:21)
Right.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:21)
If you just look at the way the map is shaping itself up. So it's something that is worrisome that you see the activity in Kenosha, certainly the tragedy that took place there and the exacerbation of that tragedy. So we'll have to see what happens. But this is Seminole book, how to start a war. It's a Seminole book. You say something in the introduction, which I loved, the elusive goal of trying to have peace by starting a war. And then you talk a lot about linkages or non-linkages to Saddam Hussein as it related to the trade center. But yet there seemed to be a determined discipline inside the administration that they were going to use 9/11 as a leveraging point to go to war with Iraq. And so tell us about your observations of that administration, what they were doing right, what they were doing wrong and what your conclusions were.

Robert Draper: (11:18)
Sure. I mean, start with this, Anthony, that before 9/11, I really do believe that George W. Bush intended to be a domestic-focused president. He didn't know much about foreign policy. He'd been a governor of a state that bordered Mexico. So he knew a bit about Mexico. And he knew from personal animists, from a family history, a bit about Saddam Hussein. But the evidence to me was pretty clear that Bush didn't want to spend his presidency hugging war widows.

Robert Draper: (11:44)
He wanted to pass tax cuts, education reform, immigration reform. And I mean, that's how he was as governor. He believed in executive should do three or four things, do them right and then let the government take away on its own. 9/11 happened. He wasn't prepared for it. He should have been, there were ample warnings that Al Qaeda was intending to attack the Homeland. And he just simply did not lean into that the way he should have.

Robert Draper: (12:09)
I think you can argue that he overcompensated as a result of that. That he began to look for the next way that he was certain would take place and began to imagine the next wave as being even worse than 9/11, because perhaps an Al Qaeda kind of group would use weapons of mass destruction. But where would they get those WMD from? He began then to imagine that they would perhaps come from this rogue foe of the United States, Saddam Hussein, the butcher of Baghdad, as it were.

Robert Draper: (12:38)
You've noticed that he used the word imagine two or three times. And I think that's the real problem and the thing that I uncovered in this saga. That where 9/11 arguably was a failure of the imagination. You could say the Iraq war was a failure of too much imagination, of imagination we're on a mock of. There were intelligence failures to be sure. But the real failure was that the president departed from intelligence altogether and began to think of what could happen.

Robert Draper: (13:04)
And part of what could happen and this goes to what you mentioned about the very beginning of my book, Anthony, is that there was a belief that all sorts of dire things could happen if we didn't go to war. And then alongside that I very sunny belief in all the wonderful things that would happen once we did go to war. That Iraq would erupt in this joyous display of democracy where something like that had never existed before. And this too was a feat of the imagination. And I think a tragic one.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:35)
Well, I mean, you mentioned a Harvard professor's name that I haven't heard in a while, names are Laurie Mylroie.

Robert Draper: (13:42)
Laurie Mylroie.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:43)
I think I pronounced right.

Robert Draper: (13:44)
Yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:44)
And she was a big believer that Saddam was part of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. And therefore it had to be linked to the 2001 tragedy. But you didn't find any real intelligence or any real evidence of that, is that correct?

Robert Draper: (14:02)
That's correct. I mean, not only did I not even find any indication whatsoever that Saddam had any linkage to 9/11. But it's also a fallacious as to pursue as Laurie Mylroie did, this notion that he was involved in the 1993 World Trade Center attempted bombing. The FBI for a time was pursuing any and all leads of, if the perpetrator were Iraqi or Afghan or from Mars, they didn't care. They just wanted to get who did it.

Robert Draper: (14:30)
But all the leads died, that headed towards Iraq. They thought that, that was a foolish notion. And further, I should mention that Laurie Mylroie also thought that Saddam was behind the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing as well. So basically everything that was bad that had happened to the world, she believes Saddam was responsible for it. And we're talking about her, of course, because she's not just some character on the margins. She's someone that people at the Bush administration actually lent credence to most, especially the Deputy Secretary-

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:57)
Paul Wolfowitz.

Robert Draper: (14:57)
... of Defense, Paul Wolfowitz, who in so many ways was the straw that stirs the drink on the whole Iraq saga.

Anthony Scaramucci: (15:04)
See that Reggie Jackson, that you brought up the Reggie Jackson metaphor.

Robert Draper: (15:08)
Yeah, exactly.

Anthony Scaramucci: (15:08)
Good for you. Yeah. I'm a met fan, Robert. Just take it easy therefore, was the worst loss in met history yesterday, okay? I'm still crying about.

Robert Draper: (15:17)
Oh, come on.

John Darsie: (15:17)
Help is coming Anthony. Help is coming.

Anthony Scaramucci: (15:19)
And then I told my brother, I'm not watching the doubleheader. By the third ending, I turned on the TV. When you're a met fan, you live in pain your whole life. But okay, you hurt my feelings about bringing up Reggie Jackson, but let me get back to the show here. The thing I guess I want to ask you about, there was a couple of failures, right? Obviously the weapons of mass destruction. You go into it in the book. Why was that such an epic fail? And then secondarily, there was an opportunity there to have the Republican Guard with Paul Bremer and Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, to help contain the insurrection that was taking place or what ultimately became the Iraqi resistance and ISIS, talk about those two failures of ours. What did we miss in that process?

Robert Draper: (16:04)
Sure. One of them was an intelligence failure. The other was an ideological failure. The intelligence failure had to do with a supposition, the intelligence community. And by that, I mean, not just the CIA, but I mean, pretty much every intelligence agency in the world had that Saddam, Iraq, which once had weapons of mass destruction. And, which had used them in fact on the Iranians and on Saddam's own people, that they surely had them again owing largely to the fact that, well, I mean, he certainly behaving like a guy who has them, he hasn't denied, he's had them. And he's pushing around the weapons. The specters are on the ground there.

Robert Draper: (16:46)
And then the intelligence community from there began themselves to take imaginative leaps. They would see literally see trucks coming in and out of known chemical plants and assume that those were decontamination trucks spraying the floors of a chemical weapons facility. They were just water trucks, hosing things down. But this was, again, the manner that if you start with a dark conclusion then you find facts here and there that will conform to that, that's confirmation bias. And unfortunately, the CIA was very much in concert with government officials who also believed the same thing.

Robert Draper: (17:22)
Now, the second part that you mentioned had to do with the failure of the U.S. government to keep the peace in Iraq once we did invade by keeping the Iraq army intact. That actually had been the policy of the Bush administration. It was reversed on the ground by Paul Bremer, the head of our Coalition Provisional Authority. And he did so in concert with the under secretary of Defense for Policy, Doug Feith and an outside advisor named Walt Slocombe. They had this ideological notion that the Iraqi army was filled with bad dudes, with Baathist and that they needed to be basically torched. And rebuilt a new with true believers.

Robert Draper: (18:06)
And this was a kind of idiotic notion, frankly. I mean, to be anybody in the Iraqi regime, you had to be a member of the Ba'ath Party. If you want it to be an electrical engineer, if you wanted it to be a school teacher. And so, yes, you had to pledge fealty to the Ba'ath Party if you wanted to join the army. So the very notion that you could find an altogether different army, an altogether different group of government employees and disband the army as well as the Ba'ath Party in the meantime only meant that you were going to piss off a bunch of Iraqi men who are now unemployed and had guns. And that was really the makings of the insurgency.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:52)
Well, no question. So when I visited Baghdad on a troop support mission in January, 2011, we've met with Lloyd Austin in one of Saddam's old palaces, I guess that was our NATO Headquarters. And he was lamenting that decision. And lamenting how the insurgency developed. But he also, that time we were in the Obama administration, he did not want troop force deployment to drop below 20,000. He said there would be a rise of ISIS. No, I'd never heard of that word or the IS before. And of course that happened. And so some of these decisions are made for political purposes.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:30)
You do write in the book that Rove was sort of thinking we've got to get the war started before Labor Day, or at least get the rumblings going so that we could get the election cycle turned on. And wartime presidents don't get usually sent home, they usually get reelected. How much of these mistakes that we made in To Start a War, your book, were born from politics as opposed to policy?

Robert Draper: (19:57)
Yeah, well, I mean, that's a well phrased question, Anthony, because I do think that you have to kind of parse this and, or dis-aggregate it. And Bush's case again, for all of his many flaws I do not think that he went to war for political reasons. I don't think he went to war to get oil. I don't think he went to war to appease Israel. I think he truly went to war because he felt the need to protect America after he had failed to do so on September the 11th. And I do not think the political considerations factored into that.

Robert Draper: (20:27)
I do think though that for those people who gave a glide path to war that I should say people on Capitol Hill, it was rife with political considerations. Therefore, all these Democrats, including Hillary Clinton, including Joe Biden and certainly Hillary Clinton, who gave the president authorization to use military force. They were very aware of the fact, Anthony, that in 1991, when a vote for military force for a war last came up in the first Gulf War, all these Democrats voted against it because their memory of war was this intractable forever war of Vietnam. And they didn't want to be attached to that in any way.

Robert Draper: (21:05)
They voted against the first Gulf War. The first Gulf war ended up lasting all of 100 hours. It was a roaring success. And the presidential ambitions of Sam Nunn, one of the Democrats who voted against it were immediately squashed. And so there were a lot of Democrats who thought on that going that way again. And we hope war will be as tidy this time as it was last time. And so I do think that, you see among Democrats and certainly among Republicans who felt the need to stay with their wartime president, a number of considerations that don't look entirely fact-based, they do have the ring of politics to them.

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:45)
If you had a member of the policy establishment, Republican or Democrat read this book. And some of it reminded me actually, of Guns of August by Barbara Tuchman in terms of like the different scenarios that were coming up, what would you want a policy person to take away as a teachable moment from your book?

Robert Draper: (22:04)
Yeah, I think it's that, I mean, because war is so messy, because war invariably entails second and third order consequences that you don't foresee that tend not to be good, then you need to follow the truth. You need to have an earnest pursuit of precisely whether war is merited and precisely what will happen when you do go to war.

Robert Draper: (22:32)
And I think that the infuriating thing, and that's the word that I've heard most often ascribe to my narrative in this book is that there's so much of that any half serious inquisition of the truth would lead you to that Iraqis had no experience in self-governing. They had no experience in democracy, that there were these sectarian tensions. That there was in fact, no hard cold evidence of weapons of mass destruction, that there was no evidence whatsoever that Saddam, even if he did have weapons intended to use them against America.

Robert Draper: (23:11)
And if we had gotten out from under our biases and simply pursued where the truth had led, we would have been left with a conclusion that war was not only unnecessary, but undesirable. And it seems like so basic that just follow the facts would be the advice that this book offers policymakers, but it is a reminder of just what kinds of disasters can ensue if you don't follow the facts.

Anthony Scaramucci: (23:40)
And it's interesting. So then I would say in summary, To Start a War is basically the lesson here is how to not start a war, that's ultimately what it is. Because by not starting a war, you don't get all of these unintended consequences that take place. So I'm going to turn it over to John Darsie, who's in his new venue there in North Carolina. He's trying to pretend that he's a Southern now, instead of the rank wash that I know him to be. And he's got some questions from the audience. So go ahead, John.

Robert Draper: (24:11)
Okay.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:12)
John is really-

John Darsie: (24:12)
Yeah, definitely, I've been trying to tell everybody-

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:14)
... this is just an image improvement for him. Draper-

John Darsie: (24:15)
... I'm just an [inaudible 00:24:16].

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:16)
... just so you know, this is an image improvement. Go ahead, John.

Robert Draper: (24:17)
Okay.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:17)
But for myself I'm you John.

John Darsie: (24:18)
I'm just [inaudible 00:24:18] trying to convince everybody that I'm a Northeastern WASP by having those paintings and everything in the background, but I'm back to my roots now. So I can talk in my Southern accent and feel comfortable. I don't know, Robert's a Houston guy. So he sympathizes with me a little bit.

Robert Draper: (24:33)
I can understand what you're saying, yeah.

John Darsie: (24:34)
There you go. You wrote another great book in 2012 called Do Not Ask What Good We Do. It was later republished under the title When the Tea Party Came to Town. And this is switching gears a little bit. The book was about the actions of both Democrats and Republicans in Congress during President Obama's first term. And in basically the gist of a lot of what you talk about is how Republicans got together after Obama was elected and vowed to do everything they could to fight his agenda at all costs. Was that different and more hyper-partisan than other periods in history? And what do you think now if Biden is to win the election and he sets out his agenda in his first term, what do you think politicians in the Democratic Party have learned from that period of time? And how do you think it's affected governance and the periods since President Obama's first term?

Robert Draper: (25:25)
Yeah, sure, John. I mean, I do think that the period that my book begins with, so right after Obama's election or right after his inauguration is not dissimilar to what happened when Newt Gingrich's revolution led the Republicans to take over the house in January of 1995. At least the intention was to grind Democratic Party policies to a screeching hall and to overrun a conservative revolution. But in practice, what you'll recall is that Gingrich actually worked with then President Clinton quite successfully on a number of measures. And this really teed off a lot of Republican house members who thought that he was being a little too acquiescent of Clinton, maybe falling prey to the president's a silver tongue. But the fact is that it was not a time of nonstop gridlock.

Robert Draper: (26:28)
What you described as the prologue to my book, Do Not Ask What Good We Do, is that hours after Obama's inauguration all these Republicans are gathered in a steakhouse kind of licking their wounds. And by the end of the evening, they've come up with a battle plan to thwart anything, and everything that this new president does. So rather than it being, let's figure out a way to work together, but to move things towards our side, it's basically, we're going to find this president on everything.

Robert Draper: (26:56)
That's a kind of fight club mentality that I think we have come to see all the way till now. I mean, it's kind of reached its apotheosis right now where the president of the United States, has basically said, I'm going to have as little to do with Capitol Hill as possible. I'm going to bend that institution as well as practically any other institution to my will. And it does kind of beg a question, will we ever get back to a moment where there are not only checks and balances between the legislative and executive branch, but also a kind of inter-party commonality between the two parties on Capitol Hill such that there won't be this constant kneecapping or thwarting of any objectives, but instead a working together? I honestly don't see any evidence that we will easily come back to that.

Robert Draper: (27:53)
I mean, John, I think that the axiom had always been that while in times of crisis Americans come together. Coronavirus constitutes a crisis where anything but a come together nation at this point.

John Darsie: (28:08)
So you think Donald Trump is more of a symptom of greater division than necessarily the disease and something that we can overcome with someone like Joe Biden, who actually been criticized in democratic circles for talking about his history of working across the aisle.

Robert Draper: (28:23)
Yeah. Well, I think you're right.

John Darsie: (28:24)
So, I-

Robert Draper: (28:26)
Yeah, go ahead. Yeah, no, I'm just going to say that. Yeah, I do think that, that's the case, yeah.

John Darsie: (28:30)
Yeah. You can elaborate on it, and then I'm going to switch gears to another audience question.

Robert Draper: (28:33)
No problem. Yeah. So I do think that Trump is symptomatic, but he's also an accelerant of it. I mean, he exacerbated something that already existed.

John Darsie: (28:47)
So as I was researching this SALT Talk, I found interesting the juxtaposition between your article about Trump's battles with the U.S. intelligence community and your book about how members of the Bush administration, which is, you could call an established administration sort of gain the intelligence system to reach an outcome that they wanted. Is Trump right in some ways to question intelligence at face value and take a more skeptical view of the intelligence community? Or is this something that's very dangerous and leads us into sort of a post truth world that you think is going to be hard to get the horses back in the barn?

Robert Draper: (29:19)
Well, he would be right to question the intelligence at face value, or rather not to accept it at face value, to be a skeptic. I think one should always be. So one should always ask the next question. Well, who's your sourcing on this? Are you sure about this? Could it be XYZ? That's unfortunately not what the president's doing. Instead, the president is first of all using the WMD fiasco, something that I think that the intelligence community has learned a great deal from as an excuse to say, "We don't ever need to trust these guys because look how badly they bungled it before."

Robert Draper: (29:54)
And then situationally to take the intelligence that he likes while any intelligence that happens to be politically inconvenient to him, for example, the notion that Russia interfered in the election to sway the election to his favor as something that is baloney. I mean, he didn't decide and locate Soleimani himself. I mean, he did that with the help of the intel community. Now he's taking credit for it. Fine. That's what presidents do.

Robert Draper: (30:23)
But Al-Baghdadi's assassination, Soleimani's assassination came because the intelligence community means to pinpoint their locations. He approved it, signed off on it, and those are clear intelligence triumphs. So you cannot say even if you're Donald Trump, that we should never listen to these guys. The question is, do you only listen to them when they succeeded at something and then you blame them when something doesn't succeed? And I'm afraid, that's what we've been seeing most recently.

John Darsie: (30:54)
Right. I had to play devil's advocate a little bit just to get the answer out of you, but I think we all know the answer to that question. So I want to switch gears again a little bit back to the Middle East. So we recently had our SALT Conference in Abu Dhabi in the UAE. We've also had a lot of Israeli entrepreneurs at our SALT Conferences, including actually at SALT Abu Dhabi. So I'm not going to say we take credit for the Abraham Accord between the UAE and Israel. But it's definitely a step in the right direction in terms of fostering economic cooperation, which leads to geopolitical cooperation in the region. Do you think that's a template and sort of a precursor to a greater stability and understanding within the region? Do you think it's an outlier? Or what do you think the future of the region is? And do we have hope to empower some of these countries economically and hopefully lead to a dialing down of some of the extremism and hate that exists between different countries in the region?

Robert Draper: (31:48)
Sure. I mean, I don't want to short sell that achievement. Anything that leads to more cooperation between Israel and the Arab countries is something to be applauded. And I'll also caveat that I'm by no means an expert on this. It does seem to me, however, to be an accord that kind of amounts to low hanging fruit. It's not exactly one that benefits say the Palestinians or brings them to the table. It's one that has a lot of economic and actual arms implications to it. Again, I think it's an important first step as long as you recognize that, that's what it is. That it is an area that both sides are likely as to agree on. And then from there you get to the harder part. But I would not assume as the Trump administration has been kind of advertising this as anything that is greater and more encompassing a victory than it is. It's a start, is what it is.

John Darsie: (32:55)
So again switching gears back to U.S. politics a little bit. So, there's this idea that, Trump has the anti-establishment candidate, right? After years that we had one Bush, we had a Clinton, we had another Bush, and then we had president Obama as the only non-Bush or Clinton president, or then candidate against Donald Trump in 2016. How much do you think people like George W. Bush and the so-called establishment is to blame for the rise of someone like Donald Trump, who again, he's an avatar for people's hate of sort of the upper classes of America in some ways as Anthony has written and spoken about in the past. How much do you assign, blame or do you owe the rise of a figure like him to failures of the Bush administration and others like him in the American establishment?

Robert Draper: (33:46)
Yeah, I think I'll pass on the word blame and go with your amended version of the question, which is-

John Darsie: (33:52)
There you go.

Robert Draper: (33:55)
... how much is can be traced back to, because I do think that the whole generation of Americans has grown up now with a view that the U.S. government is not on the level. And that goes back to Iraq. That goes back to Bush, a man in a White House, in the Oval Office telling us we need to go to war against this guy, because he's going to kill us. And it turns out not to be the case at all. And it's for the case that anti-establishment had been building up for quite a while. I think on both sides we had seen establishment presidencies not deliver, but of course it's always much more complicated than that.

Robert Draper: (34:35)
It's not as if that Barack Obama was himself the ultimate insider when he came to Washington and he did however, have a kind of insight or a view that we should work with both parties. And if there's one major failure, at least according to Obama, as he's saying it these days, that one can lay at the doorstep of this presidency is that he was willing to trust the establishment, trust the institutions too much. So you can argue, I guess that Donald Trump came in basically saying it's time to blow everything up.

Robert Draper: (35:07)
But I lend less credence to that given the fact that so many members of his cabinet have essentially used Washington as their personal piggy bank that the swamp far from being drained, it's hardly a populous swamp. It's more like a swamp that he has bent to his will. But one in which there is every bit as much lavish profiteering as there was before. So what he has framed as kind of anti-establishment presidency is really only anti-establishment and so far as the establishment has shrunk to the size of a bathtub. And the person in the bathtub is Donald Trump.

John Darsie: (35:49)
Right. We have a question from our audience, sort of a followup, I think from a UK based participant about given the United Kingdom and its experiences in the past in the Middle East, negative experiences, and even in Iraq, how do you think George W. Bush despite having sort of flimsy intelligence that drove the decision to invade Iraq, how was he able to get Tony Blair and another massive country like the United Kingdom to join the Iraq War?

Robert Draper: (36:16)
Well, partly because Blair was in a sense already there. Had been giving major speeches about Saddam being a threat to the Middle East and someone who ought to be deposed. So part of it's that. And all of that precedes Bush's presidency. Part of it also was that Blair really did believe in the importance of the UK as the indispensable ally to the U.S. and he did not want to forfeit that. He believed in particular after September 11th, that global coalitions were going to form and UK needed to be by the U.S. side.

Robert Draper: (36:58)
He also believed, Blair, that he could curb Bush's potentially reckless appetite and make sure that he was staying within the guardrails and being mindful and respectful of international institutions, such as the United Nations. And so that he would not go it alone. But what is clear is that, Blair was going to stick with him no matter what. And indeed there is a memo that has since been declassified of Tony Blair in the summer of 2002, or maybe even spring of 2002, writing to Bush saying, "George, I will be with you, whatever." So, it didn't take much. Blair saw the stakes and figured he'd better be by Bush aside.

John Darsie: (37:39)
Right. This is a last question that I'll leave our audience with. You've been analyzing U.S. politics for over many eras, you wrote about the Tea Party movement, and you've even seen some Tea Party insurgents in Congress now become the establishment. So this whole thing runs in cycles. You wrote about the Bush administration. You've written at length about the Trump administration. And most recently in that great article in New York Times Magazine about his battles with the intelligence community. If you look out in 10 years from now in your expert opinion, where do you see the state of U.S. politics? Is it going to continue to remain in such turmoil in a way that anytime we have a shift in power that the other side just employs dirty tricks that trying to prevent that side's agenda from being prosecuted? Or do you think there is some path to bipartisanship and a little bit more patriotism in terms of trying to address issues that are facing the country?

Robert Draper: (38:34)
Well, I guess, what I'd say is that the next really couple of years will tell the tale on that and how we manage. I mean, we're now at 180,000 casualties as a result of the coronavirus. And if within a year's time, this continues unabated then I really do think we will see a kind of civil war. I don't mean that necessarily literally, but certainly, a country that has essentially been cloven into and a country that, because it has been cloven to diminishes in stature both economically and geopolitically. And it will experience a real and perhaps permanent decline. That's if we don't get our arms around this. Getting our arms around the coronavirus will entail I think working together. And the working together may not take place immediately. And whether this is under a suddenly enlightened Trump administration or under a Biden and Harris administration it will require strong leadership one way or another.

Robert Draper: (39:40)
And one hopes that, that kind of success will be in elixir, the begets more success than it actually awakens an appetite for bipartisanship. But even as I say this, it's hard not to kind of descend into gloominess and wonder just how that will happen if it hasn't happened already. And in particular, how it will happen. The second term of a president who now realizes that there are absolutely no checks on his behavior. I guess, theoretically, that could make him more unlined, this could make him think now I have nothing to prove anymore, and I'm willing to actually make Infrastructure Week happen. But I wouldn't place all my money on that.

John Darsie: (40:28)
Right. Well, thanks so much for joining us, Robert. You've written on a very diverse set of very interesting topics. We look forward to your next feature article in New York Times Magazine, as well as your next book. I'll let Anthony have a final word.

Robert Draper: (40:40)
Alright, thanks, John.

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:42)
Well, listen, we don't say this lightly. This was an amazing book, Robert. I really enjoyed it. I think it'll be a Seminole study. People will look at this 25 years from now in terms of understanding the era and the direction that we went in. And hopefully it'll teach people to avoid some of the mistakes that were made. But in any event I want to personally thank you for coming on. I hope we get a chance to get you back after the election so that we can talk a little bit about where the future is. Not only for the intelligence community, but for the United States. So thank you, Robert. Appreciate you being here.

Robert Draper: (41:13)
Thanks so much for having me, Anthony, and I'd be delighted to come back.

Rachel Bitecofer: What Political Polarization Means for the 2020 Election | SALT Talks #46

“Public opinion is almost completely inelastic in the United States, and that is a sign of a very sick body politic.“

Rachel Bitecofer is the Senior Fellow for Elections at The Niskanen Center, a nonpartisan think tank that works to promote an open society. Her innovative election forecasting model predicted the 2018 midterms five months before Election Day, far ahead of other forecasting methods.

“If Donald Trump had handled the pandemic well, it probably would have benefited him in the 2020 election.” However, we see that the pandemic response does not have the power to move people away from the President because of political polarization. Trump enjoys a high floor, but also suffers from a low ceiling, consistently polling in the low 40s.

Fear is a major factor in election turnout, something Democrats are not good at stoking in their base. Nativism will be electorally costly for Republicans in this environment, and Democrats are far less likely to coast into the 2020 election as they did in 2016.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

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Rachel Bitecofer

Senior Fellow, Elections

The Niskanen Center

MODERATOR

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Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Anthony Scaramucci: (00:08)
The first thing I want to say is, we met on the set of Bill Maher, and I had known your business and known your career, and you have correctly assessed the midterm elections, many other elections, but you were spot on, on the midterms. But I'm going to read your bio very quickly. Rachel Bitecofer's a nationally recognized election forecaster, and a senior fellow at the Niskanen Center in Washington DC where in addition to her groundbreaking election analysis, and election forecasting research on the presidential and congressional elections, she conducts pro democracy research. Rachel's work appears in a variety of the nation's leading media outlets, including the New York Times, The Washington Post, Politico, Market Watch, The Guardian, the BBC, MSNBC, Sky News, CBC, and my favorite, Real Time with Bill Maher. By the way, unlike you, Rachel, he happens to love you and he loved you from day one, he was making fun of me on the show when I was a Trump supporter.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:13)
She is the host of The Election Whisperer, which is a database politics and election show that Rachel says, is the electioner Disneyland for wanks with a good sense of humor. And you certainly have that. You're a senior advisor on The Lincoln Project. I did Lincoln Project TV last night, I really enjoyed that. So, Rachel, first of all, you've had a fabulous career, you've been spot on on so many things, but I love asking people this in the beginning, how did you get to be where you are and what drove you to go in the direction that you've taken your life?

Rachel Bitecofer: (01:47)
That's a really great question, and actually, it's good, because my career has really been very short, and that's because I delayed growing up like Peter Pan. That's because I was really interested in hanging out and partying when I was a teenager, and I didn't have parents that went to college, so college ... And this was like ... I'm a Gen X, in between Gen X and front end millennial, so everyone didn't go to college. And so, my parents didn't really focus on sending people to college, and so, I didn't go to college, and instead I went to Grateful Dead concert, it's like lots of them, in the early '90s, and that's what I was really focused on doing, and I learned-

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:36)
Where did you grow up? What town did you grow up in?

Rachel Bitecofer: (02:38)
In the Mid-Atlantic. My dad had been in the Navy, and he retired, and I was the youngest, so I didn't get as much Navy moving, but, because of that, we lived in Virginia ... Spain, Virginia, and then moved to Maryland. So, it's North of DC, in a place called Walkersville, which is a little bit outside of Frederick.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:57)
Yes, yes, I know where that is.

Rachel Bitecofer: (02:58)
And all I cared about was getting the hell out of there.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:02)
All right, all right. So, you're at the Grateful Dead concert, you're not going to college, but you end up as this brilliant pollster. Take us through that.

Rachel Bitecofer: (03:12)
And I don't do it at all until I'm 20. I go and do other things, and I get a job as a HR manager in a polling firm, out West in Oregon, and I'm 24, I'm a single mom, and I don't want to be broke forever. And also realizing I'm actually unusually smart, it was just that I had better things to do in school before, which was, a.k.a, not go to school and party. So, I go to college, and I go to a community college, because that's where you go when you're working class and don't have connections. And I realized pretty quick, I might have a huge passion for politics, and current events, and I'm not sure if I wanted to do law, or ... I find out how to become a professor is a really hard path, but I'm interested in doing it. I really wanted to be doing this. I would watch TV analysts, and I was like, "I think I can do that," but I didn't think that was too likely to occur, but I thought being a professor would be a nice second more achievable version of life.

Rachel Bitecofer: (04:24)
And so, I did. I went and did community college, working full-time the whole day, raising the kid on my own, young child, and then moved out to Georgia to do my PhD, because that's the place that accepted me with funding. And I only finished in 2015, and then my first year teaching was the 2016 cycle. So I always tell people, I'm an accidental election forecaster, what I was studying was political polarization. And then, I come out of that 2016 election having had all these observations about elections, and the way they're being analyzed, and what people were talking about them, realizing that people were looking at squares where I was seeing triangles, predominantly, because of all of this expertise about polarization. And that's when I stumbled into the path that you now have found me on.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:21)
Okay. But you seem to be like ... I'm saying this as a compliment, some people say that word savant, and it's not a compliment, but you are a savant on this stuff. You have a knack for this stuff, and it's something that Simon Cowell would call the X Factor, where you're actually seeing something that other people don't see. And so, I'm going to get right to the 2020 presidential election, and I'd like you to lay out for people your narrative of what you think is going on in the body politic, and how do you think things will shape up? And we know it's a moving target, so, where are we today? Where do you think we'll be November 3rd, and how do we get to where we are?

Rachel Bitecofer: (05:59)
Right, right. And really, I mean, that's a big part of my research, but it's not a moving target like it used to be, and that's because of hyper partisanship and polarization, and even with a massive event, and something that is, even if it had been decently managed, and it certainly wasn't, the pandemic is a massive political event. It is also accompanied with a second massive political event, which is this economic event that goes along with it, and everywhere around the world, the public that goes in a country, you can see the effect of the event on public opinion, because it registers either positively or negatively, pretty significant changes in public opinion. There's only one country in which that's an exception, of course. I mean, I'm talking about countries with free and fair information systems. There's only one place in which that's different, and that's the United States of America.

Rachel Bitecofer: (06:55)
Public opinion is almost completely inelastic here, and that is a sign of a very sick body politic, but it does actually make forecasting election analysis, things like that, much easier, when things are going to be set in stone or pretty fundamentally, concrete for months on end, and nothing can, even a pandemic could move somebody away from an incompetent president, no matter how poorly managed it is, it does make it easier to guess where things will be. And so, what I said in March, as I wrote my March update, I said, "I won't update this forecast again until September." So it's coming out in a couple of weeks, but my expectation is A, this pandemic will not be managed well by Donald Trump, because he has incompetencies that made him always unqualified throughout the job of the presidency, which doesn't have a hiring process that's elite driven, it's mass driven, so [inaudible 00:07:56] he could get hired anyway, but he's probably not going to handle this ideally.

Rachel Bitecofer: (08:01)
And so, my assumption is, though, that that won't matter the way it did in 1980, when Carter faced an inflation crisis, Iran-Contras crisis, didn't handle those things well, and then got shellacked. We're not going to see that kind of movement, we will see some penalty, and we have. We've seen some additional erosion in peer independence, and some right leaning independence. I'll be really showing voters that, or people that in the September update, but by and large, Trump's still like 42, 43%, 41%. I mean, it's almost inelastic and it's amazing. It's amazing, because it's unique in the world to see a political event of this magnitude, have almost no effect on public opinions, assessments, and it's a ... We can talk about why and how it functions, but it's something that I [crosstalk 00:08:59]-

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:00)
Yes. If you don't mind, I would love to know your theory on it. I mean, I've heard you say this, "He has a high floor, but he also seems to have a low ceiling." I think that was your comment. It's a bandwidth that's very tight, and nothing seems to move it. To use the President's own words, "I can shoot people on Fifth Avenue, no one is really breaking support from me," but the flip side is, a good two thirds of the country seems to disagree with the way he handles the pandemic. That's a polling that I've seen. So, why do you think it is this way? Why do you think there's that level of rigidity in the polling?

Rachel Bitecofer: (09:37)
So, in particular, broadly speaking, it is, [inaudible 00:09:42] people hear in the media, and probably their own conversations these days, that you hear the words, polarization, maybe you hear the less common term, hyper partisan, but polarization certainly. Those are not just buzzwords, these are quantifiable, empirical characteristics that political scientists, like myself, have studied and documented, starting, really, with some very impressive quantification out of the US Congress, but it's been quantified in the courts, in the executive branch, and it took longer to quantify or find evidence to support in quantified terms, empirical terms in the public, but eventually, really, Bill Maher, what we call mass polarization, really starts to emerge in a big way, 2008, 2009 when two major events happened simultaneously; the economy collapses, and Barack Obama gets elected. So it's really difficult to disentangle how much of each thing impacts that movement, but we do know ... I mean, at that point on my dissertation, which is pushing back at a big book that's claimed to disprove mass polarization. In other words, like by Pew Center's public polling data, really starts to show definitively, no, no, no, polarization is not just something in the elites, it's not just a product of having to choose between parties that are polarized. This is something that's affecting regular rank and file voters.

Rachel Bitecofer: (11:23)
And, of course, that's what my forecasting work is about. It's about arguing with the election forecasting status quo, "Hey, you can't have mass polarization and hyper partisanship, and then keep analyzing elections and expecting election behavior to not be severely impacted, particularly in so far as a persuasion elements of a lecture of elections."

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:51)
What do you think's going to happen?

Rachel Bitecofer: (11:53)
Oh, so, for months, my forecast for the presidential election officially dropped 13 months ago, and it anticipated, based on my forecasting work, which talks about how Democrats have a numbers advantage. And this is a decision that was made by the Republican Party against its own advice in 2013. It issued a report, it's known as the RNC autopsy, and Reince Priebus, who was the chair of the Republican National Committee at the time, commissioned this report, post Romney's loss, to argue, "Look, the demographic realities of America, especially when we look at the millennial and Gen Z generations, are such that, nativism, especially, a language that is a hostile to racial minorities, is going to be electorally costly, and we should definitely moderate on the issue of immigration, and also probably stop fighting cultural war issues around issues like gay marriage, in particular, because public opinion has changed dramatically," and when we think about public opinion on gay marriage, it's one of the most astounding reversals that we've ever seen in a short 10, 15 year period.

Rachel Bitecofer: (13:09)
And, they commissioned this report, they put it hell in the part, and in ... This is part of what the republican civil war is about, half the party, your, is like, "No, that's not going to happen. Instead, we're going to go the other way. We're going to primary challenge, basically, the autopsy and scribers, and remove them from office." And so we see this big office purging of Republican establishment members, Eric Cantor, others, and then of course, the fight for the soul of the party in that 2016 nomination fight, and they take over of the Republican Party by Trump, which is a new version of the Republican Party. That's why the party did not put out a new convention plank, the plank is Donald Trump, basically. So, we have seen the ... And this is, if you look through the 245 years of America, and plus the pre-American history time period, you have already evolution. The democrats went through something very similar in the 1960s when it lost its whole Southern wing of the party collapsed. So, parties are amorphous, they change over time, and the Republican Party has had an amorphous experience that we're living through, it's impacting our national politics.

Rachel Bitecofer: (14:29)
So, I predicted Democrats were going to have a massive reaction to the election of Donald Trump, and we're not just talking about Democrats, and when we say Democrats, a lot of people say base. Even if you do talk about the democratic base, you're not talking about progressives, you're talking about progressives, you're talking about African Americans, you're talking about college educated women, talking about pretty big group, but my research really is careful in its language, and it talks about coalition of Democrats, because that encompasses, too, a pretty fair chunk of independents, because many independents are closet partisans, they lean left, they lean right. So when I talk about my work, I really like to use a coalitional term, because this is important on the other side as well. There's a big coalitional factor for Republicans with right leaning independents. That's especially important right now with so many X padded Republicans floating out there who are not calling themselves Republicans right now. But in any case, because group of Democrats were floating through 2016 in a complacent mood, and then got a big shock on election night, they are much less likely to go into 2020 with that level of complacency.

Rachel Bitecofer: (15:41)
That would be one major issue, but on top of that, there's this concept in polarization called negative partisanship. And negative partisanship refers to feelings that you have about the opposition party, which are grounded in your own partisanship, and people like to think about it as hate, like, "I hate the other party," but it's also fear. And that's fear ... When you think about Republicans when Obama was in office, and Obamacare was passed, or whatever Obama would do, Republicans would feel fearful of it. We're watching the RNC this week, really, a palpable fear of what would happen if Democrats end up in charge of America. So, fear is a major factor for turnout, and Democrats don't do fear artificially. Republicans do great artificial fear, but Democrats don't. So, we're going to see a huge turnout surge that I anticipated in 2018, four months before election, and that's what made my house forecast unique. Wasn't the accuracy of the end, which everyone was pretty much accurate at the end, the art of the forecast is done at the end anyway.

Rachel Bitecofer: (16:51)
It was the for forward accuracy, it was the fact that it was four or five months away, saying, "Hey, it's going to be more like 42 seats, and not 20, 30 seats fighting for the flip." And so, it predicted a Democratic win anyway. And then this pandemic happened, and that you said Donald Trump couldn't really do something. He had this feeling, and that's true, because, when we were on Bill Maher, it was literally the last few days before the country shutdown. It was the last couple of days, and still couldn't really conceptualize a world with this pandemic, and how it would exist, but the fact is, actually, that if Donald Trump had handled the pandemic well, let's say he had just made the same policy choices that all the other Western democracy leaders did, like Trudeau, or Morrison in Australia, Johnson, eventually, the more he screwed it up at the beginning that he copied Trump, and then was, like, "Oh, maybe I shouldn't do it this way." So let's say that he had done a national shutdown, all states at the same time for that first month, and then the defense production act, massive production of testing and PPE, and just did a slow reopen where things were getting ...

Rachel Bitecofer: (18:14)
Australia's very strict; when there's a flare up, everything gets shut back down. Let's say he had done that, and America did not have this raging out of control pandemic, and economic activity loss was able to resume, because it ultimately holding back economic activity, is people like you and me that have money, and we're too smart to go out and kill ourselves. We're not going to go to a restaurant, we're not going to go to a movie theater. You can open them all you want, we're not going to them. So, it's demand driven. So, you have to contain the virus if you want to reinstate demand. And as economic people, I'm sure you guys understand what I'm arguing here. So, containment was such a critical component to economic relief, so he didn't do that. But if he had done that, if he'd managed this well ... I actually disagree, it is true, in the normal course of things, he couldn't have improved his feeling, but with something this spectacular, something this disruptive to people's lives and businesses, if he had managed it well, he actually ... Democrats are more or less polarized, and this is just a qualifiable fact, and it's because the Democratic coalition is less ideological than the Republican coalition.

Rachel Bitecofer: (19:37)
It doesn't live in an alternative media system that's pretty intense on Fox News, it probably would have benefited him, and I think he honestly would have been fairly competitive, more competitive than my initial modeling would have had him, but of course, he did not, because he-

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:58)
But Rachel, I've been watching the Republican convention, and they say that he's handled it brilliantly, and they say that without him, more people would have died, and he shut down China, the travel ban with China. So, are you saying that the American people are not buying that narrative?

Rachel Bitecofer: (20:18)
So, it's a fine narrative for everywhere that you have full control of people's information diet, and that's not an insignificant portion of the public, because ... I'm a social political scientist, I'm sure other social scientists as well, have documented this in the study, after study, after study, and it has gone profoundly worse since Donald Trump came into the political stage and started telling people, overtly, especially from a position of legitimacy, as the president, [inaudible 00:20:49] that's a extremely powerful position that the rest of the media system is fake and what have you, but Republican identifiers in survey after survey, tell pollsters, "I only trust Fox News. I only watch Fox News." And that's a very different construct, because, remember, we're not talking about 5% of the public, we're talking about all around 30% of all Americans only get information from one source, and that is Fox News.

Rachel Bitecofer: (21:21)
And Fox News, when pandemic, and all of that stuff is a major story, that's not what they're talking about. They're really focused on this federal courthouse story in Portland or other things. Now, if you happen to be not consuming that, it's like the impeachment process or the house trial in Ukraine. I monitor right wing media very extensively, and I try to get people on, not in that environment, to understand, "Look, if it doesn't break through over there, it doesn't happen." So, during that house hearing for Ukraine, the right wing media was telling its audience that there was no evidence of misconduct produced from the house investigation, there was only evidence that implicated Hunter Biden in wrongdoing that Trump was exonerated in the process of ... And, in other, the rest of the world, headline after headline of just really compelling evidence in that house hearing from the Ukraine investigation. So, it's a very unique process too, because in conservative audiences across the globe, who don't have that media ecosystem, their perceptions of Trump's handling of the pandemic are very different, they're much more critical of it, obviously.

Rachel Bitecofer: (22:54)
So, if you don't have that context, though, how can you criticize something if you think it's going well, and you don't have any other information?

Anthony Scaramucci: (23:07)
Okay. So, Trump's gonna lose?

Rachel Bitecofer: (23:10)
If the election was held today, there's absolutely no way that he could win an election which everybody is voting either by mail, or whatever they're doing. And there's only so much disconnect you can have from polling data and reality. So people are, "Oh, well, the polls were all wrong in 2016, and he won." Well, there was actually quite clear, and I really would point people to read this MarketWatch article that I put out a couple of weeks ago, that walks through specifically what happened in 2016 with polling data, because actually, the polling data was very, very clear, and again, I wasn't an analyst, and I say in the article, I don't know if I would have noticed this if I was an analyst. I hope so. I like to think I would have, but I can't say that I would have. I know I noticed it right away when I wrote my post book, but hindsight is 20/20 definitely. But in my analysis of 2016, when I went to write my book on the election, it was like a blaring fire alarm signal in the polling data, that a very large number of voters in every poll, national polls, state polls, were saying that they were undecided. And that is weird for presidential elections.

Rachel Bitecofer: (24:28)
Usually ... We have this big theory in political science called minimal effects theory, and it's one of the most stable things if you're ready to go get a PhD in policide, and study American politics, every PhD American politics seminar is going to cover this research, and it's called the minimal effects theory, and it talks about how campaigns, because of polarization and the strength of partisanship, and how powerful partisanship is, that before there are candidates, before there are campaigns, most people have already made up their mind who they're going to vote for, and therefore campaigns have minimal effects. And so, when you look at polling data in any other cycle, when you get close to election day, you should not be seeing undecideds above 10% certainly, and the more normal a map for the polarized era, especially, is six, 7%. In 2016, in poll after poll, it's 15%, 12%, 20%.

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:31)
Where is that now, Rachel? Where are the undecideds now?

Rachel Bitecofer: (25:37)
It's at 6%. A lot of the poll ... I have this huge spreadsheet that I'm tracking of all these different indicators. It's like Bitecofer's secret tracking sheet. I mean, not all of the parts of it are secret, and this is definitely one of the things that isn't. I'm tracking the number of undecideds, you have to wait a little bit to track a couple of things, one of them is, how much ... Or when you have one party has a primary, and the other one doesn't, you have to wait a little while to see, will people coalesced around the candidate that had a primary? Because, otherwise you're measuring primary animosity affects more than anything else. I had to wait a long time to be able to see, "Are Democrats going to rally behind Biden, or are they going to have similar issues that they did with Clinton, where they never quite ..." I mean, it was atypical, so that was another thing I talk about in this article, was that third party defection where you see a state like Wisconsin, was 7% of the electorate doing third party or right invaliding in a state that went for Trump by point seven, less than a point.

Rachel Bitecofer: (26:45)
I mean, these are massive, massive impacts on the 2016 election, and these noises in the data are not there in 2020, a third party validing is much, much, much, lower already, undecideds are much, much lower, but when I'm looking at, "I want to figure out, will democrats consolidate around Biden's because you've got this progressive base?" They have twice now been thwarted in their efforts for their socialist revolution. And, free tip, I mean, nominate somebody who's progressive, but not an actual socialist, and you might have actually succeeded. Anyway, I wanted to see, this is a major weakness that can be exploited and would be, is. I mean, that's what the Death Star is all about, exploiting these disaffected Bernie people, trying to get to re-defect, because Donald Trump is not ... He's got the ceiling and he can't get above 50% in Ohio, in Wisconsin, in Michigan, in Pennsylvania, so, if your job is to reelect this dude, your job is to actually pull down the winning vote share below a majority. Has to be a plurality race like it was in 2016, or straight up, you cannot election him.

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:02)
So, like always, if you're running the Trump campaign, it's always been like, "How can I recreate that scenario in 2016 where there was a lot of third party defection," and you really wanted Bernie Sanders from on a competitive race, Bernie Sanders to lose, and people to be pissed off about it. So I wanted to see-

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:23)
Well, we don't have that now, though, right?

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:25)
No, we don't.

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:26)
The Bernie boys or whoever they call them, the Bernie band is with Joe Biden.

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:32)
They have totally consolidated around him already.

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:35)
Let's talk about women for a second, the female voter. Is the female vote going to be the determinate of the election?

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:43)
Yes. I mean, one-

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:43)
Tell us why.

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:45)
I think people ... Are we allowed to use salty language on the Salt talk?

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:49)
Yes, you are allowed to use salty language. Yes, you are.

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:51)
Good, just letting you know. I get bored-

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:53)
Although I've never used salty language in my life.

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:56)
Never.

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:56)
Yes, I'm a very strange-

Rachel Bitecofer: (28:58)
Not when you call reporters at home, right?

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:00)
I'm a very straight laced person. I mean, come on, I mean, let's just talk about that jerk off for a second. I mean, the kid was from Long Island, an Italian kid from Long Island, could you believe he did that to me?

Rachel Bitecofer: (29:10)
He did you a favor.

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:11)
That's another topic.

Rachel Bitecofer: (29:12)
You know what? Not too bad that they're nice and quick, right?

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:15)
I'm happy that I got ejected like an Austin Powers villain at this point in my life, but the thing I'm most happy about, Rachel, is I got Steve Bannon out of there with me. Okay? Because, trust me, those two lunatics together, forget about it, but let's go to this, the salty language and the female voter.

Rachel Bitecofer: (29:34)
Oh, yes, that's what I was going to say. People are going to ship their pants when they see what happens in suburban America, because, where's my mind kind of, because they've got a preview now. I thought the first time, I'll catch everyone by surprise. I mean, obviously, after arguing all through the summer, and the fall with the election quitter bros about how much suburban America was going to change, not just because the group of 100 swing voters that voted for Trump are now going to vote for Democrats, which is definitely a factor, but also because there's going to be, not just 100 new voters that didn't vote before, but maybe 300 of them, and that's going to have a major impact on the vote share. I thought, "I'll catch him by surprise in '18, but for the 20/20 narrative, I won't have that whole space to myself," because everyone will fill the space, and dah, dah, dah, but, really, I'm still out there in my ... Because it's not going to look like 2016 at the suburbs at all.

Rachel Bitecofer: (30:40)
It's going to be a whole different banana.

Anthony Scaramucci: (30:44)
Okay. So, he's gonna lose, Trump's going to lose. That's your prediction.

Rachel Bitecofer: (30:47)
Yes, I mean, as long as, A, as long as the polling and things are as they are today, we've got two massive fundamentals working against Donald Trump; negative partisanship, which is but my forecast stuff is about, and now we have this pandemic effect, which is exasperating that, and together, it's about a eight point advantage for Democrats, and that takes them a pretty deep senate map, by the way, takes them to that majority that they need, the four seats that they need to get that majority. I mean, if everyone can vote. And that's why Donald Trump is like, "Well, I'm losing, so I just have to try to make it ..." I mean, how am I now democratic?" Small d democratic. "I can't wait on the numbers, I'll just try to make sure people can't vote."

Anthony Scaramucci: (31:40)
Right, right. Try to suppress the vote. I got to turn it over to John. We've got 10 minutes to go in the Salt Talk, and he's got questions, which are lining up in our little chat box there. Go ahead, Mr. Darsie.

John Darsie: (31:51)
So, with all the analysis you provided, what is the impact going to be on Senate and House races? How do you expect those to turn out, and what do you expect the effect to be from the national races on those state level, both in the short term and the longer term?

Rachel Bitecofer: (32:07)
So, to shadow Tim Russert who I still miss daily, Texas, Texas, Texas. 2019, I put out an analysis, I said, "My model is really focused on demographics, college educated population, and percent non-white." Where is there still a lot of that that's untapped? And that is Texas, Texas, Texas, that is Dallas, and Houston suburbs, in particular. Of course, there's a couple of districts that they didn't pick up in 2018, tucking into this Austin gerrymanders, and so, I think people are going to be really shocked to see just how much is going to happen in that Texas area, because it's never been competed in. So, there's just a lot of potential growth. The state house, it picked up 12 seats in 2018, there's another nine between them and the state house, and I think they have a real strong potential because of the addition to the pandemic effect, to pick it up. So it's going to be, I think, on ... Everyone's been talking Texas.

Rachel Bitecofer: (33:11)
And then, at the Senate, Colorado ... In order, Colorado, Arizona, and then Maine. I mean, Colorado and Arizona, there's just no way to imagine the GOP could come out ahead on those two Senate seats, and then in Maine, I mean, in order for Susan Collins to survive in Maine, you have to believe that there's going to be a significant amount of Maine voters who are in this environment, in which ballots are now naturalized, and that means the down ticket candidate is connected to the president on that back in the days of Obama, that meant the Democratic senator was ... Their fate was tied to Obama, and now it means the Republican is tied to Trump, and that's ultimately why in Arizona and Colorado where the demographics are just so strongly in favor of Democrats, they just don't have a hope in hell, but in Maine, it's a different scenario, because it's not a demographic realignment situation, it is a independence scenario, but Maine is 100% going to the Democrats or Electoral College for Biden.

Rachel Bitecofer: (34:22)
So you have to believe that a significant chunk of those people are going to vote for Susan Collins, and I just don't see it. I do not see a whole bunch of people splitting their ballot and voting for Joe Biden, and seeing Susan Collins in her old maverick way, as this independent check against Trump, when she has literally failed in that, and there's things like The Lincoln project making sure voters know it.

John Darsie: (34:52)
Well, in terms of Trump's strategies for winning, you talked about voter suppression, the other element that's taking place is Kanye West. So, they're trying to get him on the ballot in several states including most of the swing states, in hopes that he acts as the spoiler that steals votes from Biden. Do you think he has the potential to make enough of a difference in those states to move the needle?

Rachel Bitecofer: (35:14)
Again, I mean, that strategy, and really, most of these suppressive efforts are things that can matter in very close elections. I really urge people ... I mean, and I hate urging people to buy my book, because it's looks really boring. It's not, I promise, I don't do anything that's boring, but it looks boring as hell. And it's titled something really boring. It's called The Unprecedented 2016 Presidential Election, but it really does walk you through the role that third party balloting played in those post Midwestern clips, because it's not a story of the Midwest having a political revolution. It's a story of who didn't show up and how many protest a motive, how much of that occurred naturally. Not all of it was naturally, I didn't know at the time that the Russians were working those two audiences pretty hard with propaganda, and the Trump campaign is replicating that strategy. That's what the Death Star is about. So, for two years, I've been trying to get people to understand, it's a subtraction campaign, it's not an addition campaign. You can't run a persuasion campaign around Donald Trump, because he would undermine it every single moment of every single day anyway.

Rachel Bitecofer: (36:21)
So, to be fair to the Trump campaign, you have to work with the clay that you have. And he is the first candidate at either a senate competitive level, or the president, who forces the campaign into a purely mobilization strategy, and so they have to do things that are ethically disgusting, like look like, "Well, we need someone to siphon off votes from the Democrats. How do we do it? We hope that Bernie Sanders has a really divisive primary, and can hyper target progressives on those YouTube shows that are on Sirius radio, and tell them not to vote, or tell them to vote third party," and that they're going to spend millions of dollars on that stuff. And then, the other way to do it is to get black voters to do the same, "We're going to tell black voters that Joe Biden has this complicated history with race and the crime bill, and try to get them to vote against their own self interest." And yes, it can matter if the election gets really close in Michigan, and 10,000 people write in, you don't need a candidate on the ballot when they're famous and everyone knows their name.

Rachel Bitecofer: (37:33)
So, it can still be of effective tool at rein in. It's certainly not, I think, the GOP's first choice. I think they would have preferred something a little bit more, like a libertarian that was attractive, like Gary Johnson. I mean, that dude stole a lot of votes on the left just by being pro pot. I mean, everyone's like, "Oh, he's the dude that smokes pot." It is not ethically ... But hey, you just watched the convention that broke balls and many ethics. I mean, we are living in strange times.

John Darsie: (38:12)
We'll leave you with one last question before we let you go, Rachel, if you are the DNC, and you only had a finite amount of resources to spend over the next 70 days, or whatever it is, until the election, would you focus on trying to swing those 5% of actual swing voters, or would you focus on trying to push turnout among the coalition of Democratic voters that you talked about before?

Rachel Bitecofer: (38:35)
Well, it should never be an either/or. You should be doing both at all times, but if I was running the DNC, a lot of things would be different. I mean, number one, I would have spent the last four years building, basically, a war machine, and it wouldn't be dead. Let me make that clear, dead, to the GOP's ambitions to ever control the presidency or Congress again, but I don't, and in the triage format, what I would do is, I would make my persuasion campaign a sniper strategy and not a shotgun, which is shooting in tons of different messages, and that sniper campaign would be, "Donald Trump screwed up the pandemic response. Here's specifically what he did compared to how other people dealt with it. This is why we have a raging pandemic, and a permanently inferior economy, and on top of that, the GOP and Trump will not give you any aid." And that's what I would focus that on. I would really be painting the Republican Party as a party of extremist, and winning middle America on that message. And then the rest of my money would be spent on making sure, at the end of the day, if you want to win Wisconsin or a house district, it doesn't matter what it is, if you want to win it, if 70% of Republicans in that district turnout, you damn well better have 70% democrats turnout too.

Rachel Bitecofer: (40:10)
So you want to make sure you're spending a lot of money on turning out that voter file, and that's where that resource should be focused.

John Darsie: (40:21)
Well, thanks so much for joining us, Rachel. Anthony, do you have any final word for Rachel?

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:24)
No, but we got to be tracking you, Rachel. I just wrote down the book. Give us the title of the book again. I don't have a copy of it in front of me, but I've got to order it on Amazon when this is over. What's the title of the book?

Rachel Bitecofer: (40:36)
It's called The Unprecedented 2016 Presidential Election, and it is a academic book. So it looks really boring, but it isn't boring, I promise, and it actually is the only book, in my opinion, that actually will tell you what really happened in 2016.

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:54)
All right. Well, you're terrific, want to see what happens over the next 60 or so days. I try to make these things less partisan, if you will, so I didn't go to off on my own personal opinions, Rachel. So, we'll save that for the next time. You and I are on the Bill Maher show together.

Rachel Bitecofer: (41:12)
There you go. We'll turn this now non-partisan in the Trump era though, buddy.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:16)
No, that's very true. I was just trying to keep it neutral, like salt itself. Everybody likes salt, Rachel, everybody.

Rachel Bitecofer: (41:24)
Who doesn't?

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:25)
I have a high sodium diet myself, but anyway, God bless. Thank you, and I look forward to seeing you. Maybe we can have you back closer to the election, and then, or perhaps after the election, so that we can get your analysis of what actually happened.

Rachel Bitecofer: (41:39)
Yes, I'm happy to do either or both, and I'm happy to talk to your audience. I hope and assume it's a audience that has a lot of potential to impact America for good, and I have a lot of stuff that I'm doing related to that. So, I would love to talk about some of that stuff.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:55)
No question about it. God bless. Sending you lots of love. Be well.

Rachel Bitecofer: (41:58)
All right. Thanks.

Shelley Zalis: The Fight for Gender Equality | SALT Talks #39

“When you add more women to any equation, there’s a return on equality.“

Shelley Zalis is the Chief Executive Officer of The Female Quotient, a female-owned business committed to advancing equality. At the current rate of progress, it will take over 200 years to close the global gender pay gap and over 100 years to close the overall gender gap. Since 2013, Shelley has been working full-time to catalyze equality.

“The rules were written by men, for men over one hundred years ago.” Engaging men in the conversation, rather than looking to scapegoat or ridicule, produces tangible results in the workplace. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Shelley says that equality is being pushed backwards. The United States fell to 53 in the world according to the World Economic Forum’s 2020 Global Gender Gap Index.

How do we enact meaningful change? “We need to rewrite policies with better parental leave policies, healthcare policies and mobility policies.” Pledges are great and well-meaning, but action is needed like that of Salesforce.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Shelley Zalis.jpeg

Shelley Zalis

CEO

The Female Quotient

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:08)
Hello, everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the managing director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology and public policy. These SALT Talks are a series of digital interviews we've been doing during this work from home period with leading investors, creators, and thinkers. And what we really try to do during these SALT Talks is replicate the experience that we bring at our global SALT conference series, which our guest today has participated in for the last couple of years and what our goal really is to provide a window into the minds of subject matter experts for our audience, as well as provide a platform for what we think are big ideas that are shaping the future. And we're very excited today to welcome Shelley's Zalis to SALT Talks. Shelley is the CEO of The Female Quotient, which is a female-owned business committed to advancing equality.

John Darsie: (00:59)
She's an internationally renowned thought leader for advancing equality in the workplace. As the first female CEO ranked in the research industries top 25, she changed the game, helped elevate feminine values in the workplace and has devoted herself to becoming a mentor and a role model to women and leaders in her industry. And I know she even during her corporate career was very devoted to women's causes and she decided to jump in head first to make that her full time career with the Female Quotient. As she, as I mentioned, had considerable experience working in the traditional marketing and advertising research industries, where she held senior positions at ASI Market Research, which is now Ipsos ASI and Nielsen Entertainment. In 2000, Shelley founded OTX, which grew to become a top global research agency and the pioneer of several innovative online research products, including the multi-source and blended sample approach.

John Darsie: (01:52)
In 2010 OTX was acquired by Ipsos, and today the Female Quotient, which Shelley started is advancing gender equality and advancing those causes across many industries and career levels with their Equality Lounge, which I mentioned previously, Shelley brought the Equality Lounge to the SALT conference last year, and we had a tremendous time having her participation at that event. The Equality Lounge is a popup experience that takes place at conferences across the globe, such as the world Economic Forum, Cannes Lions, the Consumer Electronics Show, and even FII in Saudi Arabia as well as SALT. And she also does the Equality Lounge experience within companies as well. She's leading tons of other leading female initiatives and equality initiatives within corporations by activating solutions for change with the Female Quotient equality boot camps. She's also the co-founder of the hashtag See Her movement, which is a movement led by the association of national advertisers to increase the percentage of accurate portrayals of women and girls in advertising and media.

John Darsie: (02:57)
She's also on the board of director for makers. And reminder, if you have any questions for Shelley during today's interview, you can enter them in the Q and A box at the bottom of your video screen. And with that, I'm going to turn it over to Anthony Scaramucci, who is the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital as well as the chairman of SALT to a conduct today's interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:16)
All right, John, thank you. Shelley, welcome. Thank you so much for joining us. I always ask this question, so I got to ask it to you as well. What do we need to know about you that we can find in John's eloquent introduction or your Wikipedia page, or your website? What do we need to know? You don't have to go into your first romance or anything like that, but we need something.

Shelley Zalis: (03:42)
[inaudible 00:03:42] First of all, I always love when we get to hang together, because our conversations are always unplugged. They're very, very candid. Anything goes, and we get to truth. And they're really all about authenticity, unplugging the good, bad, and the ugly, where we are, where we want to go and how we get there. I don't think it's a secret. I am well known as the chief troublemaker. I break all the rules and rewrite them because they really don't make sense. They were written so long ago. At some point we need to evolve and make sure that we attract and retain our best talent inside of the workplace. So I think that's probably number one. Number two, I am a solar eclipse chaser. So I traveled the globe chasing eclipses, which is miraculous. And every single time I see one, they're always different. The beauty is you can't take a picture for Instagram, because you got to wear your protective glasses, but it's a feeling that you get that life has this rhythm. And it's just[crosstalk 00:04:48]

Anthony Scaramucci: (04:47)
When was the first solar eclipse that you saw of that you can remember?

Shelley Zalis: (04:53)
The first one I saw was in Galapagos Island, we had to take a little boat. If you get seasick, don't do these adventures. Because I was also in Turkey on the Black Sea for another one. You need to be in pitch darkness to experience the magic and the beauty of an eclipse, but being on the water in the Galapagos, it's remarkable because you go from a sun, you go from day to night, within a minute for a total eclipse. And that's when you see the diamond ring effect, but what happens is the birds, they have no idea what's happening. So when the eclipse goes to total darkness, you see the birds darting and diving into the water because they're so confused. So I think it was Galapagos.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:39)
All right. So it's a good segue. Men, have they been eclipsing women for three or 4,000 years, 5,000 years?

Shelley Zalis: (05:49)
Well, the truth is, and we're about to celebrate the 100 year anniversary of women's right to vote even though the date is different for white and for black women. I don't think they've been eclipsing. They've just been dominating. They have been the majority. Women have not been in the workplace for as long as men have. So I would say the rules were written by men for men over a hundred years ago because women just weren't in the workplace. And so we've still been playing catch up and we've been conforming to the rules that have been written that we are now inheriting. And so this is why it's a crucial moment to close the gaps all around parody. We know the wage gap, 80 cents on the dollar for women in general, we just celebrated black women's equal pay day, 64 cents on the dollar Latinas, 53 cents on the dollar, we need to close the gap. We need to close the pipeline gap. We start 50/50, finance technology, a little less. We ended less than 17%. We fall off in the middle management because caregiving is still predominantly a female issue.

Shelley Zalis: (06:51)
And then when we look at the policies, we need to rewrite the policies with better parental leave policies and healthcare policies and mobility policies, if we truly want to see more equality in the workplace and also more diversity of thought and mindset.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:09)
So if you had to rewrite the rules, let's say that you could embolden those tablets. You could inscribe those tablets. What are some of the core tenants of rule rewriting that you would want?

Shelley Zalis: (07:22)
Well, I think number one, hire for passion. We often hire for experience. And if you think about retrofitting a salary, when you come and you go for a job interview, the first question is, well, what did you make in your last job? Which by the way, in a lot of states is illegal now and you say, "Oh, I made $50,000." And they would say, "Well, today's your lucky day. You get a 20% increase." Well, if a guy comes in and they get asked the same question, what did you make? And they say 70,000. Today's your lucky day, you're going to get a 20% increase. So we're already starting with an inequity at the table, number one.

Shelley Zalis: (08:01)
I think number two, from the job descriptions of what we're looking for, historically, the masculine, we're looking for a decisive, aggressive, analytic, linear, serious leader that can deliver a did that in your honor, a great bottom line versus, we're looking for an empathetic, compassionate, nurturing, collaborative, visionary leader that can deliver a great bottom line.

Shelley Zalis: (08:27)
We have that imposter syndrome, that voice in our head, both men and women, men just ignore it. Women let it get louder and louder and we don't feel we're qualified. And even in COVID days, if you look at the countries that have reacted first proactively, they were countries run by women because inherently we have those soft skills. We're nurturers, plenty of men have them, plenty of women have the masculine, but these are the kinds of things we need to look for. And then of course not just fill the pipeline, but create the pathway to success so that we see a higher retention to leadership level. So a few things that we need to-

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:07)
[inaudible 00:09:07] It's very well said. I'm always intrigued by the way you're coming at this. I want to talk a little bit about the Female Quotient, something you started at the 2012 Consumer Electronics Show. Tell us what the Female Quotient means. And tell us a little bit about your events and tell us about the progress you feel that women are making, and you've been a big catalyst, a big contributor to that.

Shelley Zalis: (09:30)
Thank you.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:31)
It's a big question. A medic question there, Shelley.

Shelley Zalis: (09:35)
That's what you're all about.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:37)
It's a serious medic question.

Shelley Zalis: (09:38)
There you go. Okay. Well, the Female Quotient, the name was pretty simple at six years old. We all hear a lot about IQ, the intelligence quotient. So first came IQ, the intelligence quotient then came EQ, the emotional quotient now comes, FQ the Female Quotient. When you add more women to any equation, there's a return on equality. We talk a lot about return on investment, how about return on equality, which is one of those invisible metrics that we need to make more visible. So we're all about advancing women across race, religion, age, intersectionality, LGBTQ, mobility, ability, all of those things, it's advancing women to advance equality, flipping the script, flipping the balance.

Shelley Zalis: (10:23)
And we do that in different ways. We do that through pop-up experiences at big industry conferences, across every equation, marketing, media, advertising, research, sports, music, finance, every equation needs more of everything, if we truly want diversity of thought. The reflection, we need representation and reflection for people to bring their best selves, their whole selves to the table. And at pre-COVID, we were doing upwards of 70 pop-ups a year, from as you said, CES for technology to the World Economic Forum and everything in between like the NBA All-Stars, as well as Dreamforce, et cetera.

Shelley Zalis: (11:04)
And then, we are launching a dinner series to unite the world to the power of women around the globe in over a 100 countries, bringing together communities of women all in business that can share and support one another to find our voices, stand in our power, own our ambition, not conform, but transform and really create the invisible and make that quite visible. And then we go into companies and do the hard work. It's great to have uncomfortable conversations together, power by collaboration, but then we need to create the action steps, the solutions for change and the measurement for accountability. We do that through a boot camps, helping companies become a quality fit and to change the equation.

Shelley Zalis: (11:48)
And so that's basically, what we do in a very non-textbooky way, because it really is about conscious mindset. Equality is a choice. Unconscious bias is an excuse. If you use the word unconscious, you're conscious. Once aware, what are you going to do? Something or nothing. And you use the word progress. As long as we keep making progress. When we look at the data, Anthony, you and I both go to the World Economic Forum, they publish reports that say, it'll take over 257 years to close the pay gap, and over 99.5 years to realize gender parody in the C-suite, that's not acceptable for you or for me. And so, as long as we are taking steps forward, that's progress, and I can't wait to enter 57 years. So I'd like to get this done within 10.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:40)
Okay, great. How far have we gotten in the last 25? Have we made progress?

Shelley Zalis: (12:45)
We've gone backwards.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:47)
Yeah, tell me why. I actually think we've gone backwards. That's why I'm asking the question. So tell me why, Shelley.

Shelley Zalis: (12:52)
Yeah. We've gone backwards. A, I think we keep talking about the problems and I always say signing pledges and petitions is a surrogate for doing nothing. You can hide behind the, "Oh, I'm making a pledge." A pledge is not an action. There are companies that have made progress. Marc Benioff for Salesforce made a conscious decision to close the gap within his organization. We all have control. We all have power and we all have responsibility to make a difference within our organization. We can't fix the world, but with what we can regulate and what we can control, we have the power and the responsibility to do that. When you look at the United States, according to the World Economic Forum, they measure 144 countries on gender equality. United States three years ago was number 28 out of 144. Last year, we bounced to 41, 42, 43 that's backwards.

Shelley Zalis: (13:46)
So I think that we are now in with COVID, the BLM, we are seeing a disproportionate impact. The gap is widening for women and for black women in particular. So if we truly want to get on track to move forward faster, A, we need to do it together. B, we need to be conscious about the choices that we make and C, we need to hold ourselves accountable with measurement. Let's look at where we are, where we want to go and then decide how we're going to get there. And we're going to have to make some tough choices.

Anthony Scaramucci: (14:23)
Well, I think everything you're saying is spot on. The underlying question is we're going backwards for a reason, right? There's inertia, there's lip service. But what else do you think it is? Do you think that there's a cultural thing that we haven't been able to overcome? Whether it's intentional, subconscious, cultural stereotypes, what is it that's causing the recession?

Shelley Zalis: (14:50)
Well, I think that if we keep following status quo, we won't ever close the gaps. The only way to close the gaps is to close the door and open a new one equal pay for equal work, number one, that's parody. And then policy caregiving. Caregiving is still predominantly a female issue. Leadership is still predominantly by default a male issue. And so we need policies that will allow people to bring their best selves and their whole selves to the table. I think that, that is really important, because caregiving is where women fall off in middle management or what we call the messy middle. And I think also culture. Creating a culture where everyone feels like they are seen, they are heard and they belong. And that requires representation at every level. I think there's at least a minimum of 30% threshold before we'll see a transformation of culture and reflection. I want to see me. I don't want to be the only one at the table. So more of everything, creates this natural evolutionary culture shift.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:03)
Do you think men fear women in the workplace?

Shelley Zalis: (16:08)
I don't think so. I think that gender equality is not a female issue. It's a social and economic issue. I think yes, there is a scarcity of jobs at the top. But I just... And I think men are great partners, which is why lexicon, I never say we need male allies, because it's not... Women didn't create the problem. We need leadership allies, and by default it's men. And so I think there are more men and so we have more ability to activate change, but even when there's women running companies, we haven't seen tremendous progress.

Shelley Zalis: (16:43)
It really needs to be conscious steps forward and making those decisions of not just filling the pipeline because we're filling the pipeline with diversity. It's, we need to ensure step two, that we have a diverse hiring team and that we hire for the team, not for the job, because if you hire for the job, you're maybe self-selecting. If you make a commitment and accountability that you are going to hire for the team to have diversity, it's a different mindset. So I think we just need some mindset shifting and some courage and some bravery to step out of our comfort zone.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:23)
And I need to ask you this question, because I've heard you articulate it before, and I want you to articulate it here, why is it so valuable for companies to have women in senior management?

Shelley Zalis: (17:34)
Well, I think when you have more of the soft powers, and that is the empathy. I think that to me, the greatest leaders today are empathetic leaders, are leaders that inspire, are leaders that have that compassion and passion, and also the experience, especially if they have family. I think that, that comes into play of a lot of the policies that you also will allocate and reallocate to make sure that you are creating the right culture. I think culture is so important for business success, especially if you want to attract the next generation, which our future leaders, which I call our now generation, you need to have an empathetic lens, but also a collaborative one where it is about safety and security and making sure that you are creating the right environment to have the best talent and not just the available talent.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:37)
Yeah. So it's emotional diversity as well as competence and core competence and values and everything like that. I think it's very well said. Let's go to the Me Too movement for a moment. Because I've also heard you talk about this and I think you have some brilliant insights there. Has the Me Too movement been productive in terms of bringing equality to the workplace?

Shelley Zalis: (19:02)
I think The Me too movement, and I really applaud the Me Too movement. The Me Too movement has done a really great job of opening up the conversation in a collaborative way because when your alone voice, and I've been that lone wolf most of my career. To create a new ecosystem for change, you need to have the pack. We call it the FQ pack. A company alone is power collectively, we have impact. The woman alone is power collectively we have impact. It's an impact moment. And so I think it's done an amazing job to break the silence and to start using that megaphone for change. I think that what we need to see more of now is the proactive positive solutions for change versus just putting people on the defense. Not everyone is a predator. There are bad apples. But most humans are good to the core. Most humans are good to the core and each of[crosstalk 00:20:06]

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:05)
I approve that as well.

Shelley Zalis: (20:07)
... And sometimes we just need a little ding, to point something out, make someone aware that what they are doing or saying, and there's a degree of sexual harassment from sexual harassment to sexual assault, of course. And so I think that sometimes it's also saying you're making me uncomfortable. This is where the platinum rule, we talked about the golden rule, do unto others as you'd want done unto yourself, the platinum rule, do unto others as they'd want done unto themselves, because what might be okay for me might not be okay for you. And so there are degrees. So once aware, then they need education and then we need action steps. But then there's also the bad apples. I have zero tolerance. I don't care how talented you are and how smart you are, if you are not an inclusive leader and you are not making everyone on your team feel comfortable and safe and secure, get rid of them, they do not belong. And so I've zero tolerance for that and of course-

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:11)
Yeah, I agree with you, but I think it also begs the question. John is chomping at the bit here to get some audience questions. We're going to go there in a second. And then he'll try to steal the show from both of us, Shelley. But you and I are going to do our best to prevent that.

Shelley Zalis: (21:25)
We share.

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:25)
But it begs the question about the cancel culture, I've heard you talked about this as well. And so are we missing an educational opportunity by trying to remove people from the conversation or do certain people deserve to be canceled? I don't know Allen's being canceled now. I don't know. Maybe she deserves to be. I don't know the facts set, so I'm not sitting here judgmentally about any of these people, but I'm just wondering if do we really built a people or we canceling them? If you go to jail, you get 10 years and then you come out, you get rehabilitated or just certain people should be permanently canceled from our society. What's your take on that?

Shelley Zalis: (22:06)
Listen, I don't think that any leader and I think leadership is not about age or title. It's about action. I don't think that anyone belongs in a corporate environment where they are creating culture and inspiring team and trying to get the best team at the table should be there if they are not qualified and qualified for me is not just delivering bottom line numbers. To me, it's about being accountable and responsible for a culture of care and a culture of belonging. So if they are not that person, they do not belong because, we have to walk the talk.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:51)
Can they'd be reformed though, I guess, is the question.

Shelley Zalis: (22:54)
Well, not on my watch. I'd send them away, somewhere else and put them back in a role if they're talented and reformed, but not to manage people and create this culture within. I don't want those kinds of people creating a culture. And so I believe in reform and I'm completely supportive of that, but not on the job while they're making other people feel uncomfortable. Why should I want to come to work and not feel safe? And so we are starting to see a lot of new tools come out, because also reporting, HR needs to be not just pushing paper and that's why we're moving to chief diversity officer, chief inclusion officer, chief belonging officer, chief people officer. It needs to be an active process where we don't shut our eyes and push it under the table because that is going to keep getting bigger and bigger and bigger until it bursts.

Shelley Zalis: (23:53)
And I would never want to create that kind of environment. And I might not do it intentionally. And that's why I said, at the beginning, it's pointing out some things and there's microaggression all the way to assault. Assault is zero tolerance. Bye-bye, you are not in this... I don't want you in my home period. And I don't want you to be around other people. So I think-

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:15)
I think it's important for you to emphasize... Listen, I think it's important to emphasize this because through that educational process, hopefully you're going to get some people to wake up and recognize, hey, that's a binary thing. It's one versus zero. You're here. If you can hold yourself in the right way, you're not here and your career is more or less going to get may laid, if you're going to do things that are inappropriate or making other people feel uncomfortable. So I do think there has to be a zero tolerance in that way. I'm just wondering out loud about the rehabilitation process. And I get the feeling that, okay, wait a minute. Maybe some people can never be rehabilitated, but the flip side is, because I guess I grew up, I don't know, should I grew up as a Catholic? You're always seeking some level of redemption for people, but I hear you, I think it's important because you're...

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:05)
What I love about your movement is you're talking about a cultural seismic change in how we're doing things, which ironically is going to unleash a lot more empowerment, a lot more innovation, a lot more... In the diversity, there is so much strength because you're getting so much creativity from that process. So I hear you, I got to turn it over to John Darsie, because you've got lots of people on here that are looking as ask you questions, Shelley.

Shelley Zalis: (25:33)
Anthony, wait. John, sorry. I just want to jump into, and especially with BLM, it's not just about having conversations about racism, it's becoming an anti-racist. That is an action. That is not just textbook[crosstalk 00:25:48] learning an education. That is about a feeling and a becoming. And it's not a to-do list. It's a to be. Who do you want to be? And that is about education through immersion.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:05)
I agree with that. Well, let me ask you before we get to John, let me ask you this.

Shelley Zalis: (26:06)
[inaudible 00:26:06] Go on before John.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:06)
The George Floyd incident, I'm going to guess give my editorial opinion here. I think for many people, it was a transformative thing, in meaning like, okay, wait a minute, nobody should be tolerating this level. I don't even know what the personal relationship is between the two people, but nobody should be tolerating an eight minute and 46 second murder on a street. Nobody should be tolerating that. So, it was very eyeopening and I think it did shift the bell curve of the culture. I do believe that. For a lot of people, it was a wake up experience. Do you believe that? Or again, that's my opinion. Do you feel that way?

Shelley Zalis: (26:43)
We've all known. We've all heard, but it was that wake up call we all saw and we all felt, and once you feel there is no turning back, and that is why this is-

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:58)
Is there a moment in the women's movement that is George Floyd like in your mind or no?

Shelley Zalis: (27:05)
Oh, wow. So many moments. Even now all the work I'm doing on the 19th amendment and 100 year anniversary of women's right to vote and then realizing it wasn't the same date for black women's rights to vote. All of these moments bubble up. For me, it was personal of realizing why was the way I lead not the right way. And now 50,000 women in the workplace are all unlocking the value vault of strengths that have historically been invisible. So I think when we look at the diversity numbers, we look at the pay gap. So now with social media and with digital, we can see all of that. I'm probably owed a lot of money. I've probably been underpaid my entire career. I should go back and look at how much I'm owed. Now all of it is front and center. We see the data, we see that women in leadership are more innovative, more creative, more nurturing, more empathetic, all of these things.

Shelley Zalis: (28:12)
Now that we know all these things, there is no excuse for not fixing where we've been to where we want to go and it's not retrofitting. It can't rewrite history. It's learning from where we've been-

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:25)
Going forward.

Shelley Zalis: (28:26)
... And getting strength to go forward with positivity and proactivity,

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:28)
Well said. Go ahead, Mr. Darsie.

John Darsie: (28:32)
Of course, I just want to say Anthony and I are both-

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:35)
And yes, Shelley does notice that George Washington poster behind you, she's trying to figure out if you're trying to tie that to your relatives and your family tree. You go ahead.

John Darsie: (28:44)
A lot of our viewers were sending me private messages that they were very eager for the return of George Washington. So I'm glad to have brought it back for them. But first, I just want to say, thank you, Shelley for all you're doing, Anthony and I both have daughters. Mine a little bit younger than Anthony's, but you're paving the way for hopefully a future where there'll be able to achieve and-

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:04)
No question.

John Darsie: (29:05)
... Gain greater equality in the workplace. So we're very grateful for-

Shelley Zalis: (29:07)
It's important for our daughters and our sons, by the way. This is as much for our daughters as well as far as sons, because equality starts in the home and with shared responsibility. And so thank you for saying that, but I do want to say this is for our boys and for our girls.

John Darsie: (29:23)
Well, my daughter definitely rules our home. So if that's any indication, that's the way it's going to go. She has two younger brothers. But I want to talk about... So we talked about the Equality Lounge, which is an activation that you bring to all of basically the most important events around the world. You talked about the World Economic Forum, you're at Cannes lions. You're at, of course the world famous SALT conference. How important is it for you to have that visible conspicuous representation at these events? And what does that symbolism do for the women that are in your community?

Shelley Zalis: (29:54)
Well, I think World Economic Forum, we are now the destination for equality at the World Economic Forum, that we will be going on our sixth year and it's for men and for women, it's for leadership to have uncomfortable conversations and unscripted. It's where we talk about the good, bad, and the ugly, share the case studies for what's working. So, as Anthony and I talked about, how do we not have to... We've all been doing the same thing separately, which is one of the reasons we've also been going backwards, how do we share what works so that we don't have to keep making the same mistakes consistently over and over. And that's how progress happens. We bring 50 women with us, 50 power women to Davos, at the World Economic Forum, there's less than 17% women leaders represented there.

Shelley Zalis: (30:41)
We bring 50 and all of a sudden, we changed the equation. Permission, no permission, we just showed up, no apology. And now on the street up and down, you see women all over the place. And so, I think that representation is really important, especially because with representation comes reflection, with reflection comes change and with change comes impact.

Shelley Zalis: (31:05)
And so I think that we are impacting tremendous change, not by waiting and watching, but by doing, and being, and that really created a big shift. And when you look at women in history, back to the Anthony's question, women have historically been invisible and written out of history. We're not going to be written out of history. We are going to show up, front and center, stand in our power, owner ambition and bring our strengths to the table. Why? Because they're needed, we make the table better not to fill a quota. And so I think this is why it matters. And most importantly, bringing leadership, men and women, conscious leadership to put their foot down, walk the talk, take those steps forward. We all need to do that together.

John Darsie: (31:51)
Yeah. We were talking a little bit before we went live about the importance of unity in these types of movements. You've even done work in places like Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, the UAE where you're taking these groups of women who traditionally haven't had the same level of rights as women have had in the Western world. And you've brought them together. You had an interesting anecdote from your time in Saudi Arabia. Just talk about how important that unity is and that some of the things you're working on in places where women are, even more disenfranchised than they are in the Western world.

Shelley Zalis: (32:22)
First of all, the women in Saudi Arabia, I don't know... Well, because it's the most I can say this. Women in Saudi Arabia are bad ass. I got to say they are badass and with-

Anthony Scaramucci: (32:31)
You can say a lot worse than that. I've been fired for worse than that.

Shelley Zalis: (32:37)
We need another hour for this conversation, but they are so impressive. I took 50 women to dinner and it was incredible. They said, "Shelley, there has been so much progression for women in the past couple of years in Saudi Arabia, we just get locked in time and assume what we knew is what really is, and that is not true." Perception is not reality. And that's why Getty is doing so much work with Getty Images. Really when you Google a Saudi women in business, you're going to see really remarkable women doing incredible things. And so, so much progression. And Princess Reema, is a very dear friend. She's the princess that gave women the right to drive. And yes, there's still some progress that needs to happen, but they have made remarkable progress.

Shelley Zalis: (33:24)
And at FII, there were women on the stage there, and I didn't have to go where a hijab, even though I didn't mind. I'm culturally respectful, but a lot has changed. And one of the things they said to me, which was surprising was they said their children, especially their daughters, when they got to a certain age historically wanted to leave Saudi Arabia and go to America for their education, they're all coming back now because they want to be part of the legacy changes and the progression that is happening there.

John Darsie: (33:57)
Yeah, that's great. And we've experienced a lot of the same with our conference we did last year in Abu Dhabi. There's a significant movement on the ground there that's being supported by male leaders in the country towards greater equality. And they have certain quotas of women they're trying to hire into government, minister positions and senior management. So it's exciting to see that type of change taking place in that part of the world. We ask every guest this based on their area of expertise, but how is technology affecting this idea of equality in the workplace for women minorities and others? Is it accelerating it, is it a hindrance to a greater equality and progress in that area? How is sort of the pandemic and the result and effects of that as it relates to technology affecting your work?

Shelley Zalis: (34:43)
It's been quite remarkable. Technology's an enabler. And especially during COVID times, when we talk about being socially distance, I say we're physically distanced, but more socially connected than ever before. For us at the Female Quotient while we were doing 7 day live physical popups pre-COVID, we've done over 300 plus plus conversations with over 1200 speakers in the last five months. So from a representation of speakers, from global access. When we do them at conferences, it's the privilege that are at that conference, even though it's inclusive for all that's at the conference. Now, the reach is wider. And when you look at technology, especially for mobility and a lot of women being able to be at home on their screens. And one of the biggest challenges that is creating stress, mental health issues are primary caregivers.

Shelley Zalis: (35:47)
Women that have full time jobs that are on Zoom all day and always had the responsibility, the predominant responsibility for their homes, now also have to take on the educator responsibility, that is not easy. And if you haven't experienced it, you really don't understand the impact. How can I be in this room Zooming all day, working with my little children banging on the door? What's for breakfast, what's for lunch, what's for dinner? I don't want to get on my Zoom for school, who's watching them? And so it is adding a tremendous, extra double, triple, quadruple level of intensity and stress and micromanagement for women.

Anthony Scaramucci: (36:29)
Totally, I agree.

John Darsie: (36:30)
[inaudible 00:36:30] we have a viewer who's a single father of a 10-year-old boy. He lives in Mexico, which has a specific male culture and a male-dominated culture. And he's asking what messaging works best with male children to avoid sort of that negative male dominance, toxic masculinity type of behavior.

Anthony Scaramucci: (36:51)
First of all, [foreign languange 00:36:54] and it's a very good question because, and that's why I used the word caregiving, and I say caregiving is still predominantly a female issue, but it impacts men when they are primary caregivers in the same way, hard to work long hours, hard to travel all the time, the same issues kick into place. The same opportunities also where technology is an enabler. I think the most important thing to talk to your boys about is you are already a role model. You are already showing your voice what being an empathetic human is. And we talk about work life balance issues. There is no such thing as balance. Life is not 50/50. Life is messy. You have one life with many dimensions, your work, your family, your community, your friends, and the fifth is yourself.

Anthony Scaramucci: (37:47)
So by being a walking living role model for them to show them that you have to do it all and take care of everything is the best lesson you could be teaching your children, by them seeing who you are and what you do. So that's the first thing I want to say. The second is to talk about the most important qualities as a human. And it doesn't matter if you're a boy or you're a girl, those qualities are empathy and compassion and resilience and figuring out how to multitask on steroids. That is for sure. So I think that talking about that and educating your boys to not believe they are better, we are different. And is what I share with girls all the time. We have different strengths, don't hide them and don't conform and don't make them invisible, make them visible. Your differences are your greatest strengths.

Anthony Scaramucci: (38:42)
And so talking about the differences that unite us. Oscar Wilde says, if we were all the same, we would be unnecessary, be yourself because everyone else is taken. I think that is really important as well. And the last piece is confidence. Believe in you, don't just follow others, follow your heart. And if you follow your heart, you will lead with authenticity and strength.

John Darsie: (39:11)
So we'll wrap it up with one last question from a member of our audience. And it's very relevant to SALT. SALT is primarily a financial services-driven conference and community, we also have technology and public policy integrated into our curriculum as well. But what industries in particular do you think need the most work? And what do you think are the obstacles to having more women in a money management type of positions? There's a lot of studies out there that show that women, certain qualities they bring to the table actually make better money managers. They're less emotional. Some people might think that's ironic, but they're less emotional with their decision making and things like that. What industries do you think need the most work and what are some misconceptions around what women bring to the C-suite?

Anthony Scaramucci: (39:55)
Well, first of all, financial literacy is really important. And, in general women sometimes don't ask for it and we're afraid that we might not... If we don't know the answers, we hold back. We all can learn a lot with financial literacy and even during COVID, the adaptation of investing and that investment lens is so important. When you give women more money. When we get paid, what we are worth, what we deserve, what we should earn, which is equal, we put more money into education. Education is just so incredibly important. Areas that we need more women, technology. We need more women in technology.

Anthony Scaramucci: (40:38)
When you look at AI, artificial intelligence, you look at STEM or now we call it STEAM. Or my girlfriend, Joanna calls it, STEAMEd, adding the design to science, technology, engineering, arts, and math. What goes in, goes out. Bias in, bias out. And so, the algorithms are all messed up when you don't have both sides of the brain, the right, and the left, the emotive and the cognitive side, and look at inventions. And these sounds so silly. We never talk about them, but the airbag in a car, there's more fatality when the airbag opens with women than for men. Why? Because it was designed by men on the male dummies, not men are dummies. The male circle, male dummy. Our wrists are small. Our bones are small, all of those things.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:24)
So in a crash seatbelt, add seatbelt, you guys are guys. Women, they're not comfortable. They do not fit as well anatomically. Or even when you think about your high heels on an escalator, escalators were definitely made by men. My heel gets stuck in that little escalator all the time. I have to pull my foot out or else it's going to get stuck in there. So when you look at algorithms, if we don't have the right and left brain inside of building and creating, what goes in, comes out and that's where we'll have skewed algorithms. So, I think technology, we talked about the importance of technology. We need more women at every level in tech, number one. In finance, we need more women at the top in finance, especially in how we are really running financial literacy programs and education. And looking at all of those pieces. So there are some fields that are by far underrepresented that we need more of everything, back to the Female Quotient, changing the equation.

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:32)
I want to thank you, Shelley. Because what you're doing is amazing. And as John said, I have a daughter, I have a wife, I have a mom, a lots of nieces in my life, and frankly, lots of women colleagues at SkyBridge. So we're trying to get it right. And your guidance is usually influential and very beneficial. So thank you. And we got to get you back to one of our live events so we can spark up the stage a little bit. For wreak havoc is, where you and I are both used to doing and very comfortable doing. Okay. So with that, I'll turn it back over to John. Shelley, thank you. We really grateful for you coming on today.

Shelley Zalis: (43:07)
Thank you for having me in social distance in LA. We're waiting for you.

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:11)
All right. Amen.

Jim Sciutto: Author "The Madman Theory: Trump Takes On the World" | SALT Talks #36

“Trump's got his own brand of the Madman Theory…he uses it not only against adversaries, but also against allies.”

After more than two decades as a foreign correspondent stationed in Asia, Europe, and the Middle East, Jim Sciutto returned to Washington where he is now CNN’s chief national security correspondent and CNN Newsroom anchor. In his latest book, The Madman Theory: Trump Takes On the World, Sciutto looks at how a provocative approach to foreign relations, made famous by Richard Nixon, is today employed by President Trump on the world stage.

Trump’s mindset around America's relationship with other nations is understood in one word: transactional. “Trump's view of the world with adversaries and allies is ‘What are you doing for me? What are you doing for us?’” This has often led to extremely narrow points of view on issues where President Trump doesn’t see the big picture as it relates to broader alliances.

We see this playing out with China. Tensions have escalated sharply under the Trump administration with a trade war and attacks on industries like Huawei and TikTok. Some of the biggest challenges of our time will play out over the coming decades as conflicts around Taiwan, Hong Kong, and national security intensify, and China marches towards their stated goal of overtaking the United States as part of their 100-year plan.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Jim Sciutto.jpeg

Jim Sciutto

Chief National Security Correspondent & Anchor

CNN

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:08)
Hello, everyone. Welcome back to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the Managing Director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology, and public policy. SALT Talks are a series of digital interviews we've been doing during the work from home period in lieu of our global conference series, the Salt Conference and really our goal with these digital interviews is to provide a window into the minds of subject matter experts and to provide a platform for what we think our big world changing ideas and we're very excited today to welcome Jim Sciutto to SALT Talks.

John Darsie: (00:43)
Jim is CNN's Chief National Security correspondent and the anchor of CNN newsroom. After more than two decades as a foreign correspondent stationed in Asia, Europe and the Middle East. He returned to Washington to cover the Defense Department, the State Department and the Intelligence agencies for CNN. His work has earned him many awards including multiple Emmy Awards, the George Polk Award, the Edward R. Murrow Award and the Merriman Smith Memorial Award for Excellence in Presidential Coverage. Jim is a graduate of Yale University and a Fulbright fellow. Today, he lives in Washington D.C. with his wife and better half Gloria Riviera, who is a crisis communications professional and journalist for ABC News as well as their three children.

John Darsie: (01:30)
And conducting today's interview will be Anthony Scaramucci, the Founder and Managing Partner of Skybridge Capital, a global alternative investment firm. Anthony is also the Chairman of SALT. And with that, I'll turn it over to Anthony for the interview.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:43)
Well, Jim, thanks for coming on. I'm just going to hold up the book here. I thought it was a fascinating book and when I finished reading it, and I think we just talked about this before we went live, I would say that this is the best book and the most objective book on the last three and half years related to the President's foreign policy. So, whether you like the President or dislike the President, you pick up this book. It's a seminal study in what is going on and what he is thinking, but before we get to him and your book, I want you to tell us a little bit more about your background, because it's fun to read people's Wikipedia, but it's way better to hear some. Tell us something about your background that we wouldn't learn from Wikipedia, Jim.

Jim Sciutto: (02:26)
Well, first of all, thank you, Anthony, for inviting me it really is a privilege. Thank you, John, for the nice introduction. Thanks to all of you for taking the time. I'm always grateful when people take time to hear the story of the book and how I came to write it.

Jim Sciutto: (02:35)
Okay, a little bit about me. I'm a New Yorker. Probably my biggest claim to fame is going to the same high school as Dr. Anthony Fauci. What could be better than all-boys Catholic school in Manhattan. I went to college and studied China, because it was just interesting to me and it was something different and the only thing I knew I wanted to do after college was to go overseas and travel and learn and study and work. And I did that I spent my first 10 years as a reporter pretty much in China. And then after 9/11, switched gears and spent a good chunk of my life covering the Middle East and Iraq and Afghanistan and all the conflicts around that.

Jim Sciutto: (03:20)
And it's been sort of, as I'd like to say to folks, it's a paid traveling education about the world and I've enjoyed that as a career. What I've tried to do in this book and others is sort of connect the dots for people where I can on some of these big picture issues. And like you said, I mean, my goal on this, and by the way, for this book, I only spoke to people who worked for Donald Trump, current and former. My goal here was to take a look without prejudice at what he changed and where we are four years after he came in.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:55)
So, I want to talk about the title you named it the Madman Theory. It's interesting because we go back to Richard Nixon's assessment of Nikita Khrushchev. He told his staff that he thought Khrushchev was brilliant and making people think he was "a madman," a result of which it made the rest of the world cautious. Of course, Richard Nixon had less success convincing people he was a madman as it related to the North Vietnam situation, but here we are with the President. Why did you name it the Madman Theory? Some of it's about the President, frankly, some of it is not, so why did you come up with that title?

Jim Sciutto: (04:32)
So, it started a bit with something that the President and his supporters have said about him from the beginning, right? This is someone who was going to shake it up and the nature of the way he did business, and the way he would do government is by keeping everybody off balance, right? Some of this is in the heart of the deal. I'll be unpredictable. I'll surprise. I will disrupt and then bring that all together by the seat of my pants and we'll get to a better result.

Jim Sciutto: (05:00)
Now, as I heard that and then saw it play out as a reporter with him in charge. It seemed familiar to me because as you said, Richard Nixon tried to harness this same dynamic and he owned it. He called it the Madman Theory. He had Henry Kissinger communicate in no uncertain terms with the North Vietnamese and the worst part of that war that he was just crazy enough to nuke them. There are White House conversations on tape, where he even dictates the language to use. Kissinger communicated that to the North Vietnamese. It didn't work, as you know. Those negotiations got no better. The war did not end well for Nixon or for the U.S.

Jim Sciutto: (05:42)
So, 50 years later, Trump comes into office. He's got his own brand of Madman Theory, but it's different, right? One, in that he uses it not only against adversaries, but also against allies, keeping NATO allies, Canada, Mexico on edge, off balanced arguably as much as China, Russia, Iran, et cetera. But even and this the more disturbing dynamic, his own advisors and senior officials. I chronicled a whole host of situations during his presidency, when he caught the entire National Security community off guard. His two withdrawals from Syria, for instance, where the decision-making, the policymaking rather follows the decision. It's not preamble to it. He comes up with something and then they got to figure out how to deal with it. So, Trump's madman theory is definitely unique to him.

Anthony Scaramucci: (06:40)
And you do point that out in the book that there was a 10-month lapse between him trying to make that decision and the actual execution of the decision because many people frankly disagreed with him on that decision, including Secretary Mattis, who more or less said he resigned over that policy decision. I want to go back a step though. I want to take you right back to you finished the book, you've done all this research, the book closes, and someone comes to you and says, "Okay, so give me Trump's foreign policy. Give me his strategic worldview." What is it, Jim?

Jim Sciutto: (07:14)
I asked everyone I interviewed for the book that very question. "Crystallize it for me, put it on a bumper sticker, or a campaign slogan," and the common refrain is transactional. The Trump's view of the world with, again, adversaries and allies is "What are you doing for me? What are you doing for us? Do I perceive that to be equal and balanced, right?" Now, that can serve your interest, right? Because you can arguably find a way to make a deal, for instance with China. Someone who is competing with you and wants to unseat you as the world power.

Jim Sciutto: (07:53)
And you saw some of that, slices of it in the phase one trade deal, although even and I tell this story to his own advisors involved in that, consider that a capitulation. The trouble is with allies as well he has a very similar view of it. We've seen this play out with trade disputes with Canada, for instance, reignited just last week or dealings with NATO allies over the budget or right now, with South Korea over quintupling how much South Korea pays to support deployment of U.S. troops there The trouble with that transactional worldview and again, don't listen to me, listen to the folks who work with him at the highest levels, is that it's so narrow-minded, that you miss all the other things that go into that relationship, right?

Jim Sciutto: (08:41)
I mean, HR McMaster talks in the book about how much trouble he had convincing the President that alliances have ancillary benefits, right? That can't be boiled down to a bottom line. Things like intelligence sharing or backing you when you go to war, say post 9/11 when NATO invoked the Article III, mutual defense, beyond that, shared values, goals, support for rule of law, et cetera. So transactional, but a very narrow view and by the way, sort of an end of any sort of American exceptionalism, right? The Trump has a very, what's the word, sterile view of America's position in the world, it's-

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:26)
I don't want to give the whole book away, but you do point that out and it's in conversations with Putin and the realization in his mind that America doesn't need to be "exceptional" or do exceptional things for the world, it can just be another player on the world stage. So, I want to thread this question and get your reaction to it. If you go back to Dean Acheson and the book Present at the Creation and the understanding of the infrastructure that was put in place after World War II and you tie it to Brent Scowcroft, the legendary National Security Advisor that just passed this past week. There was a continuous threat whether you were a Democrat or a Republican, there was an idea until the Berlin wall fell down of a policy of containment. There was an idea that we were going to be constructively engaged around the world helping our allies and we were going to disavow our enemies, but we were going to do it in a way that hopefully didn't lead to conflict, we would use soft power, some hard power, but you got the point.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:27)
That continuum from 1947 to let's say 2017, January ended. It seems like the cord got caught on that and we're into something new now, which you referenced in the book. Are we permanently into something new now, are we going back to something old or do we now have to reengineer everything, Jim?

Jim Sciutto: (10:51)
It's an open question. I think what's the most immediate question is does it last another four years or just another three months, right? I mean, that's an open question.

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:58)
Well, you tell me. Does it last another four years or does it end it in another three months?

Jim Sciutto: (11:03)
I know no better than probably anybody else on this call. I mean, we look at the polls, but listen a lot can change in a short period of time. I mean, the thing is and this is again a point repeated by many of the folks I spoke to, confidence is easily lost, far more difficult to gain, right? Confidence in an alliance. For instance, the NATO Alliance, how quickly can you turn that around? And by the way, folks I spoke to for the book share John Bolton's concern that in a second term steps like leaving the NATO Alliance are possible or reducing or eliminating U.S. troops on the south, on the Korean peninsula or removing all troops from Afghanistan, right? These things that we sort of-

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:50)
Or repositioning the Seventh Fleet in the Pacific, you got all of those different things.

Jim Sciutto: (11:56)
No question and a lot of things that happen in half measures in the first term, you might go whole hog in the second term, and therefore, the results of those things become far more lasting. I'll tell you one thing, the alliances. Alliances are, they're about how you feel about them in a way, right? Beyond what's on the paper. Do you believe them? Do your fellow allies believe in them, and more importantly, do your adversaries believe in them? So, when you look at like a NATO alliance, yes, we're still in, but Russia senses the fissures, right? And they listen when the President questions, for instance, the obligation to abide by the mutual defense, clauses of that.

Jim Sciutto: (12:40)
So, once those questions are raised, how quickly can you tamp those down? That's an open question. It's an open question for this country, regardless of who's in the White House on January of 2021 and the genuine concern of folks who worked at the highest levels with this President about how lasting those changes are.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:02)
Okay. So, let's switch to China for a second. You studied Chinese history. You were based in Hong Kong, as you referenced. One of my friends who's in the foreign policy establishment said that the decision to go after China as aggressively as the President is, I want your reaction to this, is tantamount to the decision of Germany attacking Russia in 1941. It will have the same sort of consequences. And I want to give you a specific example. Let's go to WeChat. We're going to ban WeChat. There will be retaliatory measures on Apple Computer and other great companies, multinational companies in China. So, what's your reaction to that statement about how the President's handling China? Again, I don't want to give the book away, but then secondarily, you see that potential retaliatory situation that could set itself up, which will lead to further bellicosity and more conflict. What's your reaction to all that?

Jim Sciutto: (14:01)
So, where we are right now with China's very dangerous moment and before I go further on that, just for the sake of the folks listening here, I spent a good 20 years covering or working in China and I spent a couple years in government there as Chief of Staff to the Ambassador. I have watched up close Chinese malign activities against their own people. I've spoken to dissidents who were tortured, but also I've spoken to companies and maybe some of you who are on the call here right now who've had your IP flat out stolen. I've spoken to folks in the Pentagon, who've watched U.S. National Security secrets go out the door to China. So, I have a real granular experience of China's bad behavior here.

Jim Sciutto: (14:47)
And by the way, in the book, I make the case for pushing back hard against China, right? Giving credit where the credit is due to this President and just my own experience of watching the U.S. be so deferential to China through the years for no good reason. So, you know where I'm coming from in terms of personal experience here. So, Trump comes in and says, "I'm not going to stand for that anymore." And we've seen that and we've seen some benefit from that. Where we are this year is different though because he is clearly ratcheting up the tension, misstatements from Pompeo, et cetera, the real moves and ones that really hit China in the gut on some of its most valued national industries here, Huawei, TikTok, et cetera.

Jim Sciutto: (15:40)
And Trump officials, Trump himself, Peter Navarro, too, he talks about in the book, they speak openly about wanting to damage China here. They want to move the supply chain out of China, so people in Beijing are like, "You want to screw our economy," right? I mean, they take that seriously. So, the question then becomes, and this is something with all of Trump's National Security priorities is okay, you got every right to push back against them and I can understand each of these moves you're doing now, individually. Tell me how it ties together? What is the end game here? Where does this take us? Is there a negotiation point you're trying to come towards? Is there a phase two trade deal that solves some of these issues? Is this a case where there is a quid pro quo, where there's a transactional point where you can reach some sort of agreement because Steve Bannon speaks very openly in this book about the possibility of war with China within five years? Is that eventuality that the President is prepared for? Does he have an off ramp before there? Those questions aren't answered, so that's the question of where we are.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:45)
You do point out in the book, if it's okay, I don't want to give up the book. I thought the book is amazing. It's why keep holding it up. I think it should be a bestseller. Jim, God bless you for writing it, but it would be very tough to have a land war with China. It would be very tough to have a naval war with China. We've also overextended ourselves over the last 20 years in other wars. And so this sort of nonsense, I mean, I consider my only contribution to American history is knocking Steve Bannon out of the White House alongside of me. I think that that probably saved more people's lives than people fully understand, but we can go into that at another point. But that nonsense and that ideological nonsense that can flip the switch and end up into a violent war, how likely do you think that that is, Jim?

Jim Sciutto: (17:32)
I asked everybody for this book and I constantly am asking my contacts in the Pentagon. I'll tell you one thing I watch very closely is Taiwan, right? And I think, as the U.S. has sailed ships more frequently through the straits there and advertise that in a way we haven't done in the past. And as China take steps, like if you've seen just in the last few days, flying warplanes over Taiwan. I mean, the nature of how these things escalate it follows was a pattern here.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:01)
It's like the guns of war. It's like Barbara Tuchman referenced about the beginning of the First World War. What do you think of the National Security Law that was just implemented in Hong Kong?

Jim Sciutto: (18:09)
Well, it's-

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:10)
How does that tie into Taiwan?

Jim Sciutto: (18:13)
It is sad. I lived in Hong Kong for five years. I still got a lot of friends there and that was a special place, right? Right on the side of China. They're ending Hong Kong. Hong Kong, as we know it, is over. Hong Kong is effectively now part of China with all the bad reasons you can imagine. I think from the U.S. perspective it is a measure of U.S. policy that if getting tough on China was going to deter them from doing things you don't want them to do. It didn't work there, right? China has said, "You know what? We're going to do it. All the threats you have, you can sanction us, whatever, we're taking it over." It's a loss, right? I mean, they could have done it to any President or any administration, but it's a loss for the world, it's a lost for Hong Kong and it's a loss for the U.S.

Jim Sciutto: (19:06)
And it does show something that folks have been writing about for some time and it's in the public commentary, too, that listen. There are two players in this game here, right? It's not just Trump. I mean, Xi Jinping is no slouch and he has a very cocky, ambitious view of the world and view of the U.S. and actually somewhat a dismissive one because it's interesting. China talks about the U.S. in increasingly dismissive terms. They see us in an accelerating decline in terms of our economy, our political system, and even in their public commentary, they move up their aspirational date for taking over the U.S. from 2049, 100 years after the founding. They start to talk about it in the 2030s. They're ambitious and Xi is an aggressive SOB.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:56)
Yeah. And they've got population and they've got obviously 5-, 10-, 15-, 20-year plans. You're mentioning 2049. I would recommend you people on this call to go look at that plan, because it's a very detailed plan for the 100th Anniversary of China. And United States and our political leadership has no plan and so, this is something people should really consider.

Anthony Scaramucci: (20:21)
Let's switch to your day job, which you write in the book in your Acknowledgement Section of the book is your dream job, which is being an American journalist and having your television show, but you have an American President that says things like the fake news media, and he does say that the press is the enemy of the people, which you know as his former communications director, I had to write an op-ed denouncing that sort of rhetoric, someone who believes obviously in the First Amendment and our Constitution. So, what do you say to that? Has your job become more challenging or the ratings are certainly up because the guy's obviously an attention grabber, so you like where we are right now? Is it good for you? Bad for you?

Jim Sciutto: (21:05)
Well, let's talk about the country first. I don't think it's good for our country, right? I think that listen, Donald Trump's not the first President to attract the press. It's happened before, but he's done it in a different and far more aggressive and insidious way. And remember, Trump is often very transparent and when he did that interview with Lesley Stahl, I'm sure you remember right after the election, December 2016, and said, "I do this, so that if you write critical stuff about me, folks won't believe you," right? I mean, that's essentially the plan here, right? It's just that we've seen it writ large as someone who has been a Commander-In-Chief.

Jim Sciutto: (21:42)
Forge about, you know. We all get attacked every day. You get attacked. I'm sure people on this phone, you get attacked. Social media empowers people to say what they want often behind the veil of any sort of distance, et cetera. I don't care about that I do care about there being a generally accepted view of reality, because that's necessary for the functioning of democracy. And in the midst of a pandemic, where you would think at least science would tramp politics, right? At least, the wisdom of taking a step like wearing a mask would tramp politics. At least, accepting the number of deaths is real and not "Well, maybe exaggerated by the left to damage my presidency," but no, even that's politicized.

Jim Sciutto: (22:33)
And I'll often, I'll ask my friends who were in business who will defend the President on moves like this, and I'll say, "Could you make good business decisions without hard data that's acceptable? Could you do this?" They'll say, "Well, no." And it's like, "Well, this is what the President's basically asking us to do because he's attacking facts that are inconvenient to him." And that's the most damaging thing. For me personally, my approach is just keep doing my job as best I can and try to follow professional standards, talk to both sides. And that's what I tried to do on this book, the best you can do, but for the country, I'm genuinely worried.

Anthony Scaramucci: (23:10)
I'm going to turn it over to John Darsie in a second, because we've got a ton of questions. We got great audience attendance on this, which is fantastic, Jim, but one of the people that you interviewed, I can't give up his name, but I now just gave up the gender, so it has put me in a little bit of a box. But one of the people you interviewed is huge fan of yours wanted me to ask you the following question and see what your take would be, the President, this is his observation, likes going against his staff. Meaning someone offers him an idea and it's an informed idea and in order to prove them wrong, they'll counter intuitively do the exact opposite as a way to make them lose face. Did you see that? What's your opinion of that? Is that true based on your analysis and in this book?

Jim Sciutto: (24:02)
Based on firsthand accounts multiple, that's a consistent thing. The President has an almost reflexive desire to play the other stock, right? Say, "Well, you say that, but what about this." [crosstalk 00:24:13]

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:12)
That would speak bad who it was then, right? Because that's the word he's always using, the word reflects it. Well, we'll talk about who it is after the call is over, but-

Jim Sciutto: (24:20)
But I wouldn't say, but I will add the differences, so it's one thing, Susan Gordon, who I spoke to in the book and who has briefed the President repeatedly as the second highest ranking U.S. Intelligence official before she was forced out by the President said she'll never question a President's ability or right to question her analysis or opinion or advice, but she said that the worrisome part becomes where he questions things we know, we know, not sort of questionable intelligence, but we know.

Jim Sciutto: (24:52)
"Here are the pictures of these bad guys doing bad things," right? Or we know this where when the President either because he refuses to see it or it doesn't fit his worldview or it doesn't fit his current position. When he denies a clear reality that that, that's the most worrisome thing and we've seen it right. I mean, U.S. Intel reports that North Korea is expanding its nuclear program, not shrinking it, right? Just as one example or Russian interference in the election. When what you know and he still won't move them, that's what really worries them.

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:28)
So, I have to follow up, John, then I'll turn it over to you because another person that you interviewed for this book came to see me and said that the President's worldview is because he's not intellectually defining it, but when it comes through his telescope, into his sniper range he starts firing at it because he really wants to bring the United States back to the 1890s. He wants to wall off the United States literally and figuratively from the rest of the world and he wants to produce everything in the United States. So, if this plastic cup is a half a cent in China, $24 in the U.S. doesn't matter, you'd like to produce it here in the U.S., disengage the United States from the rest of the world and turn it back to the prior to World War I. And every time it comes into his wheelhouse from your transactional description, he starts firing at that. Do you believe that that's the case?

Jim Sciutto: (26:27)
He does have a mercantilist view of the world, right? I mean, it's old school, both in terms of trade, make it all here, damn the rest of the world but also, of course, national security, right?

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:40)
Do you think that's the right thing for the U.S.? I know you're a journalist, you want to be objective, but give me an editorial comment here. Is that the right thing for the U.S. at this moment in world history, in U.S. history?

Jim Sciutto: (26:50)
Well, two answers to that, personally. One, it doesn't fit the reality of today's world. It's far too interconnected, right? But we're not sailing around on wooden ships anymore, right? I mean, a heck of a lot harder to do what he's talking about, but also, I don't personally believe based on my own experience that that serves our interests best. I think that the U.S. has profited benefit just speaking from our own view of the world, but we've benefited a lot from an interconnected world, a world where there's not war in Europe, right? And that allows for a healthy partner there and a healthy customer.

Jim Sciutto: (27:24)
Two, where the trade routes are open in Asia, where rule of law matters, where there's more, not less democracy, because it's a fact, democracies are less likely to go to war with each other. So it'd be nice to stick our heads in the sand, I guess, I find that a much more boring world, but it doesn't, in my view, serve our interests.

Anthony Scaramucci: (27:43)
All right, John. I'm going to turn it over to you. Jim, look out. He's going to ask mean, tough, intimidating questions. Okay?

Jim Sciutto: (27:50)
I'm ready.

Anthony Scaramucci: (27:51)
[crosstalk 00:27:51] interviewer than me, Jim.

John Darsie: (27:53)
All right. Well, we've covered your most recent book, I want to rewind a little bit to your first two books for a couple of questions. So, the second book you wrote was called The Shadow of War, talks about primarily how Russia and China are waging a war that the average American might not realize is being waged, but the United States might be losing. The intelligence community concluded that Russia interfered in the 2016 election to elect Trump and the intelligence community is saying again, that Russia and others, including the Chinese are interfering in U.S. politics again, what does that interference look like based on your sourcing? What are we doing to stop it and what scares you most about the President being set by the level of foreign interference in recent elections?

Jim Sciutto: (28:41)
Where we are today after 2016 is just jaw dropping, right? I mean, in 2016, and this is not an issue of politics except frankly for the President because it was bipartisan agreement. Russia interfered to help Trump and you saw it in the record. You saw it in the theft of DNC emails and the drip by drip exposure of them. You saw them in the theft of John Podesta's emails and the convenient release of those emails 22 minutes after the Access Hollywood tape dropped. I mean, this was interference with intent. And yes, Russia and other countries had interfered in elections before, but the degree, the brashness, the aggressiveness was different.

Jim Sciutto: (29:22)
So, here we are four years later and it's happening again, right? I mean, you have a Russian backed politician in Ukraine feeding information to Republicans on Joe Biden. I mean, it's so obvious and it's happening in the public. It's not even happening secretly. What's different is one, you have Americans participating in it, right? I don't know. Listen, you can make the argument that it's worth investigating everybody, but you got to know your source, right? If it's coming from Russia and if your Intel agencies are assessing that they're interfering again and want to advantage the President, it seems to me you should take that information with a grain of salt, but in addition to that, we have a President who just has repeatedly refused to say, "No, don't do it."

Jim Sciutto: (30:11)
Now the concern is does Russia and for that matter China, North Korea, and Iran, who were also messing around, do they take a step they did not take in 2016, which is to mess with actual voting systems, vote counting, registration, because the concern expressed to me for The Shadow of War about 2016, which didn't happen, but they were concerned about it, is that the probing attacks that they've done sort of sneaking their way into these systems that they activate that stuff.

Jim Sciutto: (30:39)
And just and think of this, on election day, you would not need to blow up voter registration databases in 5,000 voting districts, you could do in three in Florida or one, just imagine the upset and the questions and the fear that that would cause. They're already interfering In the informational side of this election, do they go into the systems? It's an open question. And let's be frank, they haven't been warned off it, not by this President. So how do they read that signal? Do they say, "Can we get away with this?" You could imagine them saying that.

John Darsie: (31:19)
Right. If Biden were to win and you did see that level of interference and he overcame it to win the election, what type of response do you think you'd see from a future administration regarding election interference?

Jim Sciutto: (31:32)
Well, I don't know. I mean, I think here's the thing, it wouldn't take much, right? I mean, the response that you need is not rocket science. It's a definitive statement that we won't stand. Now, again, credit where credit is due. I do it in this latest book, The Madman Theory, in terms of Trump standing up to China, and I did it in The Shadow of War talking about the Trump administration has enabled Cyber Command to be more aggressive in terms of responding to cyber-attacks that the Obama administration did.

Jim Sciutto: (32:04)
Some of this is, a lot of this is classified, but some of it's sort of snuck its way out, implanting U.S. weapons, tools, whatever you want to call them and they're crucial systems, kind of letting them know about it, so that if they go too far here, we could say, "Hey, we could turn our weapon on, too." So, so the U.S. has taken a more aggressive posture. The thing is, the President has not indicated in his public comments that interference in the election is a red line for him, right? He hasn't made that clear and a lot of this is about messages delivered.

John Darsie: (32:38)
So, you talked about how Trump's general foreign policy actions are defined by a transactional approach to foreign policy. So, you talked about a couple of the big headlines that have generated a lot of controversy regarding Trump's foreign policy. One, intelligence he has reported that Russia put bounties on the heads of U.S. troops, which in some cases they believe might have led to some deaths of U.S. troops. He pulled U.S. troops out of Northern Syria and basically left the Kurds for dead allowing Erdogan to come in and have his way in that part of the world. What do you think the transaction is that's taking place? Is it something extremely cynical, like blackmail or financial inducement or do you think it's part of that reflexive contrarianism that Trump likes to engage in with his staff?

Jim Sciutto: (33:24)
I think it's different. I asked everybody for this book, "How can you explain the President's deference to Vladimir Putin?" And their most consistent answer is this one: That the President admires him. He's got an admiration for Vladimir Putin for his power and some of this again, is in his public comments, right? "He's a strong leader." You remember him saying that a couple years ago. His power, the power he has in-

Anthony Scaramucci: (33:48)
Can I interrupt you for a second though, because some journalists have suggested something more nefarious than that. Do you think that there is anything nefarious or you just think it's that he admires his power? You've done the homework.

Jim Sciutto: (34:00)
Well, here's the thing. And again, I asked everybody about that, everybody I interviewed for this book and I delve into that question in this book. Without proof that there's a kompromat or something, I don't think it's a substantive conversation.

Anthony Scaramucci: (34:19)
Did you read Bolton's though? Chapter Eight was like the orange jumpsuit chapter. You know what I mean? It was like ridiculous, so you don't think any of that is true?

Jim Sciutto: (34:26)
Well, the melding of, the idea that the President has business interest in Russia, I think is I mean, but again, that's in the public record, so that's very believable. The idea that he has debts to Russian investors is also credible. I don't have proof of that and the people that I spoke to for this book, don't have proof of that. They have their suspicions. But I didn't want this book to be about printing suspicions. I wanted it to be about things that people had personal experience of. So, the consistent thing and this could live right alongside what Bolton has alleged and others have alleged, but the most consistent thing they had personal experience of and witness was that the President expresses and shows admiration for Vladimir Putin for his power, but also that he shares Putin's nihilistic worldview, that it is a zero sum game, that no one's really better than anybody else on the world stage.

Jim Sciutto: (35:24)
And you saw that, go back to the Bill O'Reilly interview, right? 2017, Putin's a killer. Well, aren't we all? Anybody else? Any of us really that good? But even more recently, after the bounties story and when the President was reminded that well, it's not just the bounties, Russia armed the Taliban to kill U.S. soldiers in 2018. And the President's answer is, "Well, we are in the Taliban in the '80s. It's all the same." And that, why does that matter? First of all, do any of us here, is that our view of our country, right? It's not my view of my country, certainly not what I want it to be. But in addition to that, what Intel officials, who I interviewed for this book told me is that Putin knows that Trump admires him and he seeks to take advantage of that. In fact, they say that some of Trump's worldview is influenced by Vladimir Putin, for instance, that a number one source of the President's hostility to Western European leaders, our allies, is Putin, that they have an affinity on that.

Jim Sciutto: (36:22)
It's like, "Yeah, that Merkel, what a pain the ass," right? And that has consequences. We just pulled troops out of Germany. So, one Intel official I spoke to, used this term that Putin is Trump's honey trap, right? That's a remarkable thing to hear from someone who served him at the highest levels and the Intel agencies, again, I write about this a lot about this in the book, feared that Putin was in effect carrying out an influence operation on the President, right? To influence and shape his views and therefore shape the policy. And if you look at the public, so even if you don't have a P tape or a giant Russian debt load, that enough is a fairly disturbing thing to hear about your President and the proof is in the pudding. It's in a lot of the decisions and moves the President has made and hasn't made.

John Darsie: (37:10)
So, going back even further to your first book, which was published in 2008, it's called Against Us, it covers sort of the forces behind Islamic radicalization and you argue sort of as the crux of the book about the need to rebuild more constructive relations with the Arab World. Twelve years on from that book, has anything changed? Have conditions improved? And are we any closer to solving the quagmire that is the Middle East?

Jim Sciutto: (37:36)
Officially, I wrote that book, one of the thesis was about the appeal of Islamic extremism in the Western world among Muslims in the West. It came out in 2008 and then you saw what happened. I'm not sort of claiming credit for it, right? But we saw that bear out with ISIS and these homegrown terrorists and all that, lone wolves, et cetera, the appeal of ISIS, all these folks who went to Syria from Europe, et cetera. So, the question was "How to address it" is I think the security response to this kind of terrorism, it's certainly advanced, right?

Jim Sciutto: (38:14)
I mean, and again, in this book as well, I give credit to Trump for accelerating the dissolution, not the dissolution, but the defeat of ISIS in Syria, they're still around, accelerated after the Obama administration. So from a security perspective, probably better off although things haven't gone away. In terms of the relationships, no, not really, and in fact, I mean, where U.S. policy is going regarding Israel, the Middle East, some of those relationships, it's taking it in a different direction.

John Darsie: (38:52)
So, I want to ask you one last question. We ask this question of every guest who sort of covers National Security as a national security expert, what types threats and maybe ones that Americans, the everyday Americans aren't as aware of, what type of threats and future methods of warfare are the ones that really keep you up at night and make you worry about where the world is headed?

Jim Sciutto: (39:13)
Well, cyber and space, right? Cyber space and space-space. The degree, I think people are generally aware that cyber is a problem and if you work for any company in this country, you've been attacked, right? And you're probably getting attacked right now, you might have faced a ransomware issue. All of us on this call, I've been hit. It's interesting. The four biggest cyber thefts in the last like five years I've been hit by all four of them. One, because I went for the government OPM. They got all me and everything you want to know about me and my family. They got that. Anthem, Blue Cross/Blue Shield, so they got all my health information for my family. Married Hotel so they know where I've traveled and all of that kind of stuff. And what's the other? Oh yeah, Equifax, so they know all my final financial position. I'm like, and all of that, lots of that goes back to China, so they must have a really thick file on me.

John Darsie: (40:09)
You got nothing to worry about now. Everything's out there. You're like an open book.

Jim Sciutto: (40:12)
I'm not. I'm just going to throw it all out there. There's that. So that's like on the business side, but as it relates to how all the stuff, the lights, they could turn the lights off in Washington, D.C. based on penetration of critical infrastructure systems. Our very election systems are even more worrisomely under attack, our political discourse, so that's the cyber side. And then connect the dots on that and it's a real threat to everything we rely on. The space part, I think, is one that folks didn't know a lot about. They're getting to know more about with the space force and even some movies and TV shows and so on, but there are weapons in space.

Jim Sciutto: (40:51)
And every couple of months, I'll read about Russia or China launching another space weapon. You'll see it. Just keep your eyes open for it. It's up there. There are lasers in space. There are Kamikaze satellites. China wrote about it in The Shadow of War as a satellite that moon-raker style could steal other satellites out of orbit. And we depend on that technology, both for our security but also for business communications, et cetera. I think that's the front of this war that folks haven't really gotten their heads around yet.

John Darsie: (41:20)
Just one follow-up on the space piece. How do you regulate, space warfare, and how do you counter threats in space in a super national type of way to prevent just all out mayhem from breaking out in terms of the space race and space weapons?

Jim Sciutto: (41:35)
We need it. We don't have it. We don't have a SALT Treaty for cyber, right? And we don't have it for space, rules of the road where red lines, all the things that we established for nuclear weapons and help keep the peace, right? We don't have that for cyber or for space yet. I mean, you have some communication probably more at the state level about what each side considers a redline attack in the cyber sphere, but you need treaties if you want to avoid the prospect or not avoid, minimize the prospect of war.

Jim Sciutto: (42:13)
But if you talk to folks in Space Command, and they're like, it's in my book, and you'll hear it elsewhere, I mean, there's a like Star Wars is not far away. The nature of the way human beings is with war is that war moves to the next available front and we're already there and it's going to be more threatening over time, not less.

John Darsie: (42:36)
All right. Well, Anthony, do you have a final word?

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:38)
I got one last question.

John Darsie: (42:39)
Yep.

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:40)
And then we'll let you go, Jim. We try to keep these things tight. Madman Theory, loving the book. The book was awesome. Are we safer as a result of Donald Trump's madman theory or less safe, Jim?

Jim Sciutto: (42:55)
In most spheres less safe. The final chapter of the book is Before and After and just, I do it very academically. Here's where we were with North Korea, they had X number of nuclear weapons. This advanced the ballistic missile program, they have more now. Iran is closer, not further from a nuclear weapon, right? Russia is more not less aggressive in the world sphere. Now, we've stood up to China, but the fact is, China hasn't backed off in any of the places we've challenged them, actually they've gotten more aggressive. Now, will that change over time? But the sad fact is, we're less safe and if you don't believe me, just do me a favor and read that chapter folks and tell me if you disagree and I will accept all criticism.

Anthony Scaramucci: (43:40)
I wanted to ask you that because you do, you end the book with it, but the last thing I will say it's a phenomenal book, but it's also a cautionary tale on going against the grain of discernible thought and opinion that's been bipartisan and established for 80 years. Maybe they established it, it wasn't really that wrong after all. Who knows? We'll have to see what happens here, Jim, come November. But I want to thank you for writing the book, I want to thank you for being on SALT Talks. John Darsie downgraded his room. He had like George Washington pictures and all kinds of stuff like that, so you and I could stay competitive with them. But we'll let you go and hopefully, we can get you back before the election if you don't mind. We'd love to have you come back before the election. Talk a little bit where you see things prior to Election Day.

Jim Sciutto: (44:31)
Anytime. Deep gratitude to you, to John and everybody who took the time here. You do me a great honor if you had a look at the book and I wish you all the best as we get through all this.

Anthony Scaramucci: (44:40)
It was a great read. Thank you, Jim, for writing it. See you soon.

Kirstjen Nielsen: How Cyber Security Has Evolved Over the Last Decade | SALT Talks #28

“A collective defense model is what we’re talking about when addressing cyber.“

Kirstjen Nielsen is an internationally recognized expert and proven leader on critical security issues facing governments and institutions. She served as the sixth Secretary of the United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS) from 2017-2019, directing widespread actions to increase the security and resilience of the nation against evolving threats across land, air, sea and cyber domains.

There has been significant progress in cyber security over the last 4-6 years, and the discussions are the same around the world: how to better share information, make our responses more automatic and what the government should do regarding the private sector. The difficulty with cyber is that it is at rue weak-link problem. Ultimately, it will only be as secure as the systems that touch your systems.

“It’s past time to give the DACA population a permanent status. Congress needs to act and give them status.” What went wrong with child separation at the border? The three departments in charge (Department of Justice, Department of Health and Human Services, and Department of Homeland Security) didn’t have the resources to process the influx of migrants. Child separation was an “indirect result” of an inefficient system, not “policy.”

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

Secretary Kirstjen M. Nielsen.jpeg

Kirstjen Nielsen

Secretary of Homeland Security

(2017-2019)

MODERATOR

anthony_scaramucci.jpeg

Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:07)
Hello everyone, welcome back to SALT Talks, my name is John Darsie, I'm the managing director of SALT, which is a global thought leadership forum at the intersection of finance, technology, and geopolitics. The SALT Talks are a series of digital interviews we've been doing during this work from home period in lieu of our global conference series, the SALT Conference. And, really, our goal is to provide a window into the mind of subject matter experts that are leading investors, creators, and thinkers. And also, to provide a platform for big, important ideas that we think are changing and shaping the world.

John Darsie: (00:39)
We're very pleased today to welcome Secretary Kirstjen M. Nielsen to SALT Talks. Secretary Nielsen is an internationally recognized expert and proven leader on critical security issues facing governments and institutions. Her breadth of experience stands at a crossroads of policy, strategy, and operations, so it's a very apt guest for our SALT Talks series. And, she provides a unique perspective across complex enterprise environments and influencing her position on the importance of stakeholder engagement, the role of technology as a force multiplier, and the need to address today's threats, while still assessing and preparing for those of tomorrow.

John Darsie: (01:17)
Secretary Nielsen was sworn in as the 6th Secretary of the US Department of Homeland Security in December of 2017, I believe we were talking to Secretary Nielsen before we went live and we asked, "Did you overlap at all with Anthony?" And she remarked that she actually did overlap with Anthony for about half of a day. She walked in with secretary, excuse me, General Kelly the day that he was sworn in, and the next thing he did after being sworn in, was he walked downstairs and fired Anthony. So, hopefully we can get a little bit of a conversation about that during today's talk. Anyways, during her tenure-

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:50)
That's fake news. He didn't walk downstairs. He went from the Oval Office to his office, he called me in, and then he fired me. Don't give out fake news on SALT Talks.

John Darsie: (01:58)
There were no stairs.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:59)
Okay. There were no stairs. Are you enjoying yourself while you're telling that story?

John Darsie: (02:06)
I figured I had to bring it up.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:08)
All right. Go ahead go, enjoy yourself, Darsie.

John Darsie: (02:11)
During her tenure... This is about Secretary Nielsen, Anthony.

Anthony Scaramucci: (02:13)
Let me just get SkyBridge payroll on the phone here. Yeah, that cut for John Darsie, yeah, let's talk about that after this is over. Yeah, keep going, Darsie. Go ahead.

John Darsie: (02:25)
She directed during her tenure wide spread actions to increase the security and resilience of the nation against evolving threats across land, air, sea, and the cyber domain, which is something we'll get into in depth today. She was previously commissioned to serve as the White House Principal Deputy Chief of Staff and the DHS Chief of Staff. Secretary Nielsen has also advised government agencies, private sector companies, international organizations, and NGOs on assessing their risk posture, and increasing their resiliency, developing crisis communication plans, and understanding various policy environments, and identifying and mitigating hazards.

John Darsie: (03:02)
She's the former president and founder of Sunesis, which is a security management firm. And, she currently serves as the president of Lighthouse Strategies. A reminder, if you have any questions for Secretary Nielsen during today's talk, you can enter them in the Q&A box at the bottom of your video screen. And now, I will turn it over to the aforementioned Anthony Scaramucci, the one-time White House Communications Director. He's also the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital, a global alternative investment firm, and the chairman of Salt. And with that, I'll kick it to Anthony.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:33)
Thanks, John. But, the one thing that you forgot to mention, which is also important to all of us is that Secretary Nielsen joined us in Abu Dhabi last December, where you gave a masterful performance on so many different things, masterful dissertation on cyber security, et cetera. So, I want to get into a little bit of that with you this afternoon. But, before we go there, Madam Secretary, take us back into your background, your college years, and the odyssey that you took prior to becoming the secretary for the Department of Homeland Security.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (04:10)
First of all, what a pleasure to see you all. It's both exciting when video works, and with the added opportunity to see other humans. So, thanks for pulling this together. Homeland Security at a high level, at least the way I think of it, it's a team sport. I mean, there's just way too many threats that we face today. They're constantly emerging for any one entity to be able to address them. No one entity has all of the capabilities as of these authorities' resources. When I look back, what I did rather unintentionally, because at first, we didn't necessarily have a discipline called Homeland Security until after 9/11.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (04:47)
But looking back, I tried to play every role, every position, if you will, in the team that is Homeland Security. So, I worked on the Hill. I'm a lawyer by training. I helped private sector companies that provide technologies and services to the federal government. I helped private sector companies protect themselves, and understand how to do that, and protect their customers, clients and functions. I've played different roles in the government, the executive branch, worked with international organizations, allies, really trying to pull together that whole concept of public private partnership. And then, of course, after 9/11 I helped start up TSA, which was then in the Department of Transportation, and then went to the White House. And so, between the multiple of roles, much of the early Homeland Security doctrine I either led the development of, or was very intimately involved in directly. So, very familiar, it's a very broad mission space as you know.

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:46)
But it's by in large, Madam Secretary, it's been very successful because the precursor of it was 9/11. It's been 19 years since that tragedy, and I would say that we've done a reasonably good job of containing terrorism, reasonably good job of eliminating internal threats in the United States. What were some of the main threats and issues that you were focusing on when you were the secretary?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (06:14)
Yeah. So, it's always a great question, and you know me, I love to talk, but this is a particular one where it's hard to be brief. DHS is the third largest department in our government 240000 law enforcement, civilian, and military employees. It spans everything from counter terrorism, as you mentioned, to a branch of the US military. The Coast Guard probably is in the Department of Homeland Security. We respond to natural disasters, we prevent activist terrorists from different kinds of soft target attacks. So, it's very broad.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (06:53)
And then, there's all sorts of parts that we don't talk about as much, election security, we might talk about that today, but that's certainly an expansion of the mission space. And so, under my watch we really focused on what are the emerging threats? We need to double down on today's threats, but how can we look at the horizon and what should be anticipating. So, I spent a lot of time on new explosive devices that had been developed by those who seek to do us harm in the aviation sector, obviously spent a lot on cyber, worked with Congress to get some authority to counter drones, which are ubiquitous now unfortunately, and we really need to all come together and figure out how to address that. WMD, unfortunately there are still new and developing weapons of mass destruction. We got to make sure we stay on top of that.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (07:41)
We also did quite a bit to change the authorities. A focus of mine was to make sure with this expanding mission space that the employees and great men and women of DHS really had the tools, and resources, and authorities they needed. So, we worked with Congress to create the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, which I'm very proud of. We actually did create a WMD entity, we strengthened other entities that existed, and then we did a lot of policy changes to make sure that all across the homeland, and with our international partners, we raised the bar of security in every realm that we touch. So, quite a few things, but I would just say at a high level, it's so important in this day and age to really keep your eye on that horizon, and be very aware of the emerging threats. Because once they're here, it's too late. Bureaucracy does not move quickly enough, so you have to be able to anticipate.

Anthony Scaramucci: (08:34)
So, let's go right into the cybersecurity space then, how do you feel we are in terms of cybersecurity, private, public, governmental cybersecurity? And then, secondary to that, what are your thoughts on addressing the risk of things like TikTok, or Zoom, facial recognition, Huawei, in the umbrella of cybersecurity?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (08:58)
Yeah. At a high level, I would say that we have made tremendous progress over the last, four, five, six years with respect to cyber security. We really needed to take the time to set the roles and responsibilities within the US context of who was going to do what, who is best positioned to do what, and strengthen that public-private partnership. It's interesting, I just was part of a group that was advising Australia as they worked to put out their new cybersecurity strategy, and the debates are the same everywhere in the world, how do we better share information? How do we make our response more automatic? What should the government be doing vis-à-vis the private sector, and vice versa? What do citizens need to do?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (09:46)
I think the difficulty with cyber is that it's a true weak link problem. I mean, you can do everything that an expert would tell you to do to protect your own system, but ultimately, it's only going to be as secure as the systems that touch yours. So, a collective defense model is really what we're talking about, when we talk about cyber. Your risk is mine, and my risk is now your risk. And, that's very different than in the traditional physical world. So, we have to continue to expand. There's a lot more that we need to do. I really personally welcome the work that the Cyber Solarium did. I'm anxious to see many of their recommendations adopted in the NDAA, I hope that they are. We really did need to pause and assess where we are, and I think they did a tremendous job.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (10:37)
With respect to the tech that you brought up. It's so interesting, because it's a great list in that they're all so different. I mean, my short answer would be, we have to look at all of these from a risk management perspective. So, if you look at something like Zoom, that's a perfect example, among other things of a risk around concentrated dependency. When we all are depending on Zoom for our daily lives, for conferences, for the work that we do, for education, it puts tremendous, not only strain on the infrastructure bandwidth, if you will, but it also opens up a new vulnerability. Because if Zoom should go down, or something like that, then we have tremendous ripple effects in terms of everyone's ability to function.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (11:22)
If you look at something like facial rec, that's very interesting because as a disruptive and still in some minds, cutting edge technology throughout the world, we don't yet have the legal and regulatory frameworks in place for customers and the public to feel comfortable that facial rec is doing what it should, and not doing what it shouldn't do. That it's protecting our privacy, and that it is being used in appropriate manner. So, it puts stress on the system and the companies to say, "Okay. How can we demonstrate we're being good citizens?" And so, you're seeing an example of this, you've seen all of the big companies that use facial rec actually go to governments and say, "Please regulate us. Please pass a law. We want something to be able to measured it against to show..."

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (12:07)
Trying to go, perhaps it's on your list, Huawei and TikTok, I read somewhere the other day, somebody was asking, "Well, is this really about China, or is it really about the technologies?" I think the answer is yes and yes. They're very different technologies, one is more of a supply chain risk, and perhaps the ability and control that gives to the China's government by virtue of the infrastructure. And, the other is a similar problem, but a very different risk. It's more about data, geotargeting keystrokes, and who then would have access to that data. But, I think as citizens and particularly as a government, we have to look at each one of these technologies within some sort of a risk framework, and then figure out the best way to mitigate and manage it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:57)
You mentioned in Abu Dhabi, something that stuck with me. I want to see if I get it right. But, you basically said that data and identity are the two currencies of the future. And, I was wondering if you could elaborate on that a little bit, and how are they in danger, effectively?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (13:19)
And, to be even more specific on the data front, I really think it's, if you will, it's data quantity, and data speed, perhaps in particular, that will actually be traded as new currencies. Companies will rise and fall based on those concepts. And of course, the related concept that data without insight is noise. There's so much data out there that if whatever it is that you're doing, providing, integrating doesn't have that analytical piece, it doesn't mean anything. But, back to data. I think I said it runs everything we do. It runs the SCADA systems that run all of our critical functions. It enables us to relate to one another. It manages the way that we see the world. It really is the lifeblood of how our society functions digitally these days.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (14:09)
The reason it's at risk is because of the exact same reason. We spent years talking about data confidentiality, and rightly so, and we still should. I mean, protecting our data and ensuring that we understand who has access to it for what purpose. But, the concepts of integrity and availability we have seen come to the fore over the last three to four years in a way that many did not expect between ransomware attacks, wiper attacks, and just anything that questions the integrity of information. I often feel that reality itself these days, is up for debate. Between geo-spoofing, between deep fakes, between... And, that's even before we get to issues with point interference.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (14:55)
So, if what you see is not necessarily true, if what you read is not necessarily true, then what does that mean? And of course, to take it another level, if we have false data fed into, through an injection or a supervisory and control system, the function would perform as it should, but not the way we want it to perform. That's of course what we worry about when we talk about electricity and water, et cetera. Identity is interesting, because we have a real question about identity these days. Do you own your identity? I don't know. And, I think we're seeing them in COVID. It's a strong argument from a public health perspective that at some point here, if this virus continues on the propagation path it is, that governments around the world will want to understand who has it, who has been tested, who has recovered for purposes of protecting others. But, if you think of it in that context, those attributes that are once personal to you, are now could be by some country's propositions owned and operated, if you will, by a government entity.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (16:06)
So, what does that mean? How do you prove you are you, Anthony? If someone else popped up, or look at the Twitter hijacking that just occurred. How do you demonstrate that you are who say you are, you are saying what you're saying? And, that brings in the deep fakes and other things. And, putting aside all the possible misinterpretation in the present and other places. So, there's a real need for new technology to authenticate you, and to be able to audit the identity, if you will, so that we can be confident we're talking to Anthony, as opposed to-

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:42)
I just want you to know that situation that happened when I was the White House Communications Director, that was a deep fake, Madam Secretary. I mean, no one realized that-

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (16:50)
A body bubble.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:52)
Yeah, I just thought I would throw that out there. But in any event, I totally get what you're saying. And I think it's got to be a concern if you're a civil libertarian, and you want to protect people's privacy, and the privacy of their health. Obviously, all the stuff that we try to do to do that as well. But then, the flip side is, particularly with a pandemic going on, it could be helpful in containing the pandemic, if we know where people stand related to that disease. So, it's going to be a struggle. I want to flip to something that I would love to give you an opportunity to comment on. And, that is the President's policy related to separating families at the border, which became a hot button issue during your time as secretary. And, I wanted to give you an opportunity to address some of that, and potentially some of the misconceptions around it. And, I would also be remiss if I didn't ask about DACA, and what do you believe should happen next?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (17:52)
Let's see. So, let me take the last one first. It's time, it's so past time. I mean, for the moment that I was going through the confirmation process until now, I firmly believe personally, that it's time to give the DACA population a permanent status. And, the debate back and forth between the executive branch, and the legislative branch, and the judicial branch is not helping any of the DACA recipients. It's time for Congress to act and give them a status. The misconception that is very unfortunate is that, with the recent Supreme Court ruling, there is a belief that Supreme Court ruled in favor of DACA.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (18:35)
I don't know what that means. All the Supreme Court did was say that the DACA status from now will continue, but that's not a status, it's a deferred prosecution. So, they still do not have access to some of the benefits that they would have if they had a permanent status. They still don't have access to some of the assistance programs. So, I won't soapbox in it too much, but it's time for Congress to act. I mean, it's just time to do it. And, if you talk to most folks politically, there are some that disagree with that statement for sure. I do think the vast majority agree with it. It's just a clear... Unfortunately, it's an abdication of congressional responsibility. Congress passes laws on immigration, and Congress needs to do that. So, DACA, I feel very strongly we are way past-

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:27)
So, do you predict that that will happen, or do you think we'll be in a stalemate for an interminable period of time?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (19:34)
Yeah. I'd like to say that I was hopeful. I'd like to, in an optimistic moment believe that nothing is too hard for the Congress of the United States of America to handle. But, I'm also a bit of a realist on this, and we've seen the inaction now for years and years and years. I think what it will take is either a next action by the President, which I have no insight into, but he has said that he will do something on DACA, or another court case. There's still other lawsuits out there to my knowledge, and one or more could be a trigger event that then will push Congress to act. You hope it doesn't take that, and you hope if it does take that it all happens quickly. But, I think anybody that actually cares in any way about that population should continue to put pressure on the Congress, so that Congress can fix it.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (20:25)
The question you asked, it's a much larger issue. And bear with me, let me just try to frame it a little bit. Immigration in general is very complex, it's not well understood. I've found many, many times people wanted a binary answer, and the difficulty is often, it's not, it's a patchwork of rules, it's terribly, terribly broken system. The incentives are wrong, anyway. We should have a system where we can protect the sovereignty of this country, and protect vulnerable populations. We should be able to counter drugs and counter criminals while also welcoming those who seek asylum. And by the way, in the context of all of that we should be able to welcome legal immigrants. And, that's what our country is. It's what makes us strong. I know many of us believe that, but we need to separate the two. One shouldn't necessarily reflect directly in the other.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (21:24)
So, with the families, the truth is, there was no policy to separate families. And, let me walk you through, but let me tell you why that's really personally important to me. Such a policy was requested of me. It was requested of General Kelly as well, when he was secretary, and we both dismissed it out of hand. There was no direction to separate families who legally entered the United States. What happened is the attorney general in seeing an increase in law breaking, because it is law to enter the United States between ports of entry, a law that Congress has continued to uphold. As he saw increases of that law being broken, he decided to increase the law enforcement of that law. And so, he put out a policy of zero tolerance, meaning that the prosecutions should be done to anybody who chose to break that law, in this case entering the United States illegally.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (22:28)
So, the rest of us then we're in discussions of, "How do we do that?" Requires a tremendous amount of resources, given the numbers at that time of those entering illegally. And, the truth of it is, that if somebody came in illegally with a child as that adult went to a prosecutorial setting, we don't send children to jail in the United States. In most places they have very limited circumstances for that. But, there is no way to do that within the immigration setting. So, what happens is that after a certain period of time, if the adult does not come back from prosecution, the child is sent to the Department of Health and Human Services. And again, that's by law, that's not a choice.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (23:11)
So, the family separations resulted from the fact that a law was broken, an adult was being prosecuted, and the children as a result had to go into a different setting the family was thereby separated. And, let me just stress, the reason it's so important to me personally, that it not be called the policy is because there are still those today who advocate for a policy of family separation. What that would look like is, any family that was encountered anywhere in the United States, or at a legal port of entry, would be separated by virtue of the fact that they presented as a family unit. That is not a policy that has been adopted in the United States, and one that I will continue in any way that I can as a civilian citizen now to be against. I just think that's entirely and completely wrong.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (24:06)
So, what went wrong? What went wrong is that the three agencies, departments that are responsible for this, which is the Department of Justice, HHS, and DHS, we did not have the resources needed to quickly and efficiently prosecute the adults, and either reunite, or keep the families together in the sense that the child, or children would not have been sent HHS. And, when that became clear, when it became clear that those resources were not there, I did advocate with the president to end the practice, and he did. It was a terrible period for all involved, but it has been made more difficult by the fact that there is so much misunderstanding about it. At the end of the day, it's a law enforcement decision. We were a law enforcement agency, and law enforcement officials enforce the law.

Anthony Scaramucci: (25:04)
Well, and I think it's a big learning lesson for everybody on this Salt Talk that you have a lot of different interagency decisions that are going on, a lot of different policies. And, sometimes the government is ponderous, and it's obviously imperfect as all human beings are. I want to ask a follow-up question, if that's okay. Not that this is even possible, but I'm just curious about your ideas. Let's say you were a policy czar, or you were somebody that could create policy to prevent this from happening. Maybe you could do it through the Congress or et cetera. What would your recommendation be based on your experiences in this issue?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (25:47)
Yeah. So again, let me try to be succinct because it is very complex. Nobody who cares about a migrant should ever encourage them in any way, indirectly, or directly to cross into the United States illegally. And, the reason I say that is because the vast, vast majority of those who travel that way do it at the hands of smugglers, transnational criminal organizations, and others who prey on them. I mean, they're not DHS figures when the Doctors Without Borders say that, two thirds to three quarters of the women are raped along that journey. It's not us, it's the NGO community who says that. Children are recruited into gangs, people are attacked for their organs. I mean, it's a very, very dangerous journey.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (26:40)
So, the way the system should work is, if you need to claim asylum, or you have another legal right to come to United States, you should go to a port of entry, where you can be documented as entering legally, and you can go into a process. If we do not have the resources we need at the ports of entry, that's what we should fix. But, we ended up in a situation where... And, it's a crazy catch-22 to be in, the one hand the Department of Homeland Security is the biggest law enforcement agency in the world. And, what happens there is, we all take an oath to enforce the law. So, you have one side of the debate, saying you must enforce the law, and if you don't enforce it enough, if you will, you're soft on law enforcement, you're soft on immigration, you are not following the law, in that you're choosing to not enforce it.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (27:43)
On the other side, you have those in Congress and others who rather than doing their job, tell another branch of government, "You don't enforce the law." It's too hard for us to fix it, essentially, so just you don't enforce it. And, when you step back, Anthony, that's crazy. That's got to be the beginning of the unraveling of the democracy, when you have Congress saying to the executive, "Just don't enforce the law." So, what I would do is, I would ensure that we have enough resources at the ports, I would revise the way that we do asylum. One of my big pushes was, I don't understand why we can't help protect vulnerable populations sooner in their journey. Why do we make them come all the way to the US border? Why couldn't we find a way for them to go to an embassy, or other safe place along their journey to make their case for asylum along the way? I mean, the system itself doesn't make any sense if you're trying to protect vulnerable populations.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (28:37)
So, I spent a tremendous amount of time in the Northern Triangle working with those countries. We signed quite a few agreements to protect children, to protect families, to protect those from smugglers and traffickers. And, all of that needs to be cemented, that cooperation needs to be cemented so that we can help them protect vulnerable populations. But it's past time, Congress needs to fix it. I mean, there's been lots of legislation floating back and forth. Let's just do it.

Anthony Scaramucci: (29:04)
So once again, it's this farce, and it's back to congressional inertia. If you notice, I've been big-footing John Darsie since he mentioned by firing, so I'm going to ask one more question before I turn it over to him. And, I want to go to Portland, Oregon, and the acting DH secretary has marshaled unmarked law enforcement to put down some of the protests in Portland, and I was just wondering what your response would have been, same or different than the approach that the administration is currently taking.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (29:35)
So, this is another example where just watching it, there seems to be a lot of misunderstanding, and then I think like most Americans trying to understand what exactly is happening. What I can tell you is that, it is a part of the mission set of the Department of Homeland Security to protect federal facilities. There's an entire operating agency within DHS called the Federal Protective Service, and that's their mission. The law says DHS shall, it's not voluntary. So, that part of the mission exists. What happens next, and how far that authority goes, again, I'm not I'm not as familiar with the specific facts on the ground, but I do you think it's important to start by saying where the mission is.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (30:23)
In my opinion the mission should be limited to what the mission is. And then, in a traditional law enforcement way we support state and locals upon request for other mission sets within our authorities. I think there's also a lot of misunderstanding around what's marked and what's not marked. The uniforms of the folks from DHS, so viewed in the news, that is the uniform that some of the unique law enforcement entities within DHS wear. They're marked police, they have patches. The ones who are in fatigues. It looks to me like they are a part of a border unit, and that's what they wear every day at the border to blend in.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (31:09)
So, there's a lot of misunderstanding. But I think, to me, mostly what this shows is the very important need for state and local governments and law enforcement to find a way to work with the federal government and vice versa. I can tell you in 2018, we had an ice facility, we still do, in that area. And, we did have some protesters, it had been under attack, and about 28 days in, we acted through our federal law enforcement means to protect the building. But, that was because the local law enforcement and political leadership would not do that, and somebody had to protect the employees who were just trying to do their job and get into work.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (31:54)
So, I have not talked to the mayor. I haven't talked to the political leadership, obviously within Portland. I don't know what the actual situation is there. But, I would just offer that law enforcement needs to be provided to all communities within a community. And in this case, if that's not occurring, part of the federal mission of the federal government is to protect federal buildings and those inside. So, we'll have to see how it works, what happens next, but I do think we have to start with what are the facts, and then let's try to understand the best way to move forward. There's also a huge difference by the way, between the peaceful protesters...

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (32:33)
I mean, my understanding of what some of the press is describing is the violence or what appears to be violent activities happening at night. During the day it looks like they're peaceful protesters exercising their First Amendment rights. And then, there is another, either a separate group, or a different time of the day at night when they do throw things at the buildings, either using firecrackers, or using frozen water bottles, they're trying to attack. And again, violence is violence, hate is hate, it doesn't have any place. So, we should all be working together to limit that.

Anthony Scaramucci: (33:13)
And, you didn't mention the terrorist attack by Timothy McVeigh 25 years ago on a federal building in Oklahoma, which is one of the main reasons why you have to have some level of security around these buildings. Okay. I'm dominating the conversation, Madam Secretary, so I have to turn it over to the erstwhile John Darsie, and he's got a whole series of questions that are coming in from our audience. So, go ahead, John.

John Darsie: (33:39)
Yeah. I want to pivot to COVID for a moment. And, I think it's fair to say, as a society, both on the government level, and how they've interacted with the private sector, our response to the virus has been somewhat discombobulated, is the nice word I'll use. How do we need to reexamine how governments and private sector companies execute risk assessments and manage risk in today's environment using something like a pandemic as a example? Obviously, there was a lot of hand wringing about President Trump's decision regarding the Defense Production Act, and whether he should invoke it. But, what do we need to do to be more prepared for future pandemics, and for similar types of situations that might arise in the homeland that might require a more coordinated response?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (34:28)
Yeah. So first of all, I'm sure there will be various entities that do a lessons learned review. And, I do think that'll be extraordinarily important to more tactically and technically answer your question, which is, do we have the right entities? Do they have the right authorities? Do we have the right mechanisms in place? What I would say is, there are a couple different things at play here. One, unfortunately, is a lack of information. Risk assessments and risk making management really only work when you have data. When you don't, when the basis of a risk management profile is uncertainty itself, it's very difficult. And, I think we've seen that with the markets. I mean, the markets crave data to the extent that the data keeps changing, the markets have a hard time interpreting that, just as every citizen in every country does, as they try to make their own risk assessment each day as to what to do, what to engage in, whether to wear masks.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (35:28)
So, first of all, the data is very important. And, I think we will find out more about the data that's available as we go forward. But, I would just offer that it's really important with a pandemic or any cascading events to understand its origin, and to very quickly share that information in a transparent way so that others can prepare and respond. And, I think the delay with getting the information from China certainly has contributed to this. The delay in calling it pandemic certainly has contributed to this. The debates between international organizations with respect to the epidemiology leaves all of us scratching our heads as to what should we do? What's the answer?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (36:12)
I think the asymptomatic transmission has caught many off guard. That wasn't necessarily something we heard a lot about say in February or March. So, as we learn more, the way in which we respond should change. But again, that adds another level of uncertainty. Why are we changing the way that we do this as we go? I think we're also seeing federalism play out. It's the age old debate in any homeland security or other national security event, who's on first? Who's in charge? What are they doing? And, we're seeing that play out at state and local levels. We're seeing that play out between state and local levels, and then we're seeing that in the private sector. You've mentioned the DPA and that's where that mix hits of, what should the private sector be doing? What is the federal government and other governments have access to?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (37:05)
You asked me so much in the question, I'm trying to get to at all. But, on the business side, I would just say, we all have to be adaptable. I mean, this is demonstrating that if part of your business plan, if part of your culture is not to anticipate and adapt, you're not going to survive, you won't have a sustainable business model. And, some companies have done that quite well. I think we've seen that, others are slow, whole industries are slow to adjust. But, this is a difficult event because the orientation very much like a mass scale cyber event, the orientation, if you will, of left and right a boom doesn't exist. It's not a hurricane that comes and goes, it's not a chemical attack that comes and goes, although chemical attacks of course have lasting effects as do recover from hurricane.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (37:52)
But, this is much more an active situation. We're very similar to what I would tell you in cyber. We have to look at it more for how long can we withstand attack? If you will. If this is a new normal, how do we learn to innovate while under attack? I mean, that's something I would see in cybersecurity, but is very applicable here, because it's an ongoing event. So, how do you adjust in midstream, and then from a resilience perspective, that's really where we're all headed. We can't prepare for everything. We have to focus on being resilient. Part of what that means is, not only learning to innovate while under attack, but learning how to bounce forward, it's not just bounce back. What can we do to anticipate tomorrow, while we're addressing today? So, I think the orientations have to change, or we won't be able to continue to move forward. Pick a topic, whether it's education, whether it's work, whether it's different industries, whether it's government.

John Darsie: (38:53)
I want to pivot to another question from the audience. It's about election security, excuse me, and hacking. So, our intelligence agencies basically produced a report after the 2016 election that confirmed that there was interference in our election, mainly from Russia. And, there's early reports heading into the 2020 election that there seem to be similar ambitions from Russia, and other actors to interfere in our elections. From my perspective, this is a bipartisan issue, today that interference could be taking place on the side of one party, tomorrow it could be taking place on the side of another party. What do we need to do to secure our elections? And, how worried are you about the 2020 election, and the threat of the hacking, cyber warfare, and interference?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (39:43)
First of all, I'm happy to say we are vastly more prepared from election security perspective than we were for the last presidential election. The 2018 election was a great midpoint in the preparedness. But, I think as you described, there's two separate parts of it. One is the hacking, if you will, to generically use that term, of the systems, of the infrastructure of the elections. And, that's a role that DHS plays in terms of helping state and locals prepare and prevent any nefarious activity.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (40:18)
The other part is the malign interference from foreign governments. The FBI has lead on that, that's the misinformation campaigns. DHS and the rest of the interagency support them in that. But, there's two parts to it, so on the first part, the DHS role, DHS is working with over 6000 jurisdictions, they're working with all 50 states, we have sensors in all 50 states. DHS has a whole panoply of tools that they're offering. CISA and Director Krebs have just done tremendous work in building the partnerships, and taking time to understand how individual states do elections to make sure that they have what they need, in support.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (40:58)
On the foreign interference side, my personal opinion is, we got to shine a sunlight. If I read something, and somebody says, "Okay. You're your neighbor or your good friend just said that." I will think of it one way. If I read that exact same thing, and then you say to me, John, "Okay. That was written by a Russian bot." Or, "That was written by the Chinese government." I'm going to feel differently about it. It's exact same sentence that were a piece of paper information. So, the more that we can communicate, and declassify in appropriate ways, the intel to help Americans understand that there is a misinformation campaign, then hopefully Americans will take the time to look at sources, and really think through what it is they're reading. But, we have to do that part, we have to raise the awareness to help them know the job that we expect them to do.

John Darsie: (41:51)
We have two more questions, and then we'll let you go. We have a ton of engagement from the audience, which we really appreciate. As Secretary of Department of Homeland Security, you deal with threats, both foreign and domestic, and there's been a rise in homebred militia type groups that have felt empowered to go out and try to enforce some semblance of law enforcement on a private basis. Does that concern you as a former government official, the idea that some of these threats we're facing now are more homegrown and domestic?

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (42:25)
Absolutely. In fact, one of the things while I was secretary I did, was I asked that all of our strategies that addressed Islamic extremism be expanded to address targeted violence in general, to include domestic extremist. Again, under that theory, I mentioned earlier, not theory, but belief that that hate is hate. Violence is violence. It does not have a place in our society. So, DHS has undergone a lot of policy and strategy work to expand the aperture, if you will, to make sure that they include domestic terrorists, and other targeted hate groups along and in conjunction with the departments of the FBI, and state locals.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (43:08)
But, I would say, absolutely, because it is a different type of pernicious threat, it's not a threat emanating, if it's domestic in the way I think you meant. It's not necessarily a threat emanating from over there. It's within our cultures, within our societies, within the schools, within... And so, the partnership that's required to address that needs to be expanded. But yes, I remain very concerned about it.

John Darsie: (43:34)
So, the last question we'll ask you is, there's some former members of the Trump administration that have had commentary about the way things have worked internally. We're not going to sit here and ask you who you're voting for, or something like that. But, as we evaluate leaders going forward in this country, what are the types of qualities that you look for in a leader especially for a President of the United States.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (44:00)
That's a great question. And, I hope all Americans really take it to heart, and really do their homework, and really think through at the federal, state and local level, who they're going to vote for in this next election. I think we need to look at what's happening. We need to, whether it's COVID, whether it's the... There's so many, many issues, I won't take all the time, you know what they are. But, when we look at them all, we have to think about who is best to lead us through it, and to continue to help us all recover, and move forward.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (44:33)
And, my experience with this is, we have a real institutional memory problem in government right now. There's been so much turnover. Personally, I think some of the issues in the interagency with respect to the pandemic, is just there's not very many people left who were there from the extensive planning that was done in 2005, 2006, and under the last administration. And so, the continuity, the understanding of government, how it works, the laws, the restrictions, the international partnerships, all of that is part and parcel with governing, and we have to make sure that we elect leaders who have those capabilities, who understand...

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (45:13)
I know many have come on Salt Talks and talked about the importance of vets, of former military members. And, I think that's because they do have that. They're schooled in that, they're trained in that. But, it's not just that, it's people who have taken the time to understand how our constitution works, how federalism works, and how that plays out within a given construct. During a crisis, you have to be crisis ready, you have to have a personality and ability to stay steady through a crisis. My biggest fear right now is in the middle of corona, something else will happen. We'll have a Cat 5 hurricane, or we'll have another pandemic, or a nation state will choose to look at our weakness, and decide that it's time to more aggressively attack, or terrorist organization. So, you have to have steady leaders that have the knowledge, and the ability to lead. And so, as we all look towards this election in the fall, I hope everyone does their homework, and really gives it a good think. It's important.

John Darsie: (46:14)
Well, Secretary Nielsen, thanks so much for joining us. Anthony, do you have any final word for the secretary? Very grateful for your time.

Anthony Scaramucci: (46:20)
We appreciate your time, Secretary Nielsen. If I didn't get John in there I would have had to hear it later in the day. So, thank you for tolerating him and his questions. But in the meantime, I hope we can get you back to one of our live events, which we expect to kick off again as soon as the pandemic is over. But with that, thank you so much, and we hope to see you soon.

Kirstjen M. Nielsen: (46:43)
Oh, my pleasure to you both. Thank you so much.

Dr. Richard Haass: Top Foreign Policy Issues Facing the U.S. | SALT Talks #27

“What we’ve learned, also the hard way, is that our respect for sovereignty can’t be absolute.“

Dr. Richard Haass is the President of the Council on Foreign Relations, an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, publisher and educational institution dedicated to being a resource to help people better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries.

What went wrong following World War I? The United States embraced isolationism and protection. We rejected the League of Nations and global trade, and from the Depression came the rise of populism and extreme nationalism. By the 1930s, we were back at war despite our best efforts. Fortunately, those in charge of the United States following World War II studied post-WWI decisions. “They were old enough in many cases to have lived through it and were determined not to repeat the mistakes.”

It’s also important to distinguish between populism and nationalism. The former derives from living standards that are drifting or declining, whereas the latter is a response to feeling like people are losing out on trends and identity. As we see with the Presidency of Donald Trump, both are options in the playbook of what a leader can draw upon in response to difficult times.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

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Dr. Richard Haass

President

Council on Foreign Relations

MODERATOR

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Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Anthony Scaramucci: (00:08)
Richard. It's a real honor to have you on with us today. I think you gave amazing presentation at our conference in Abu Dhabi and fortunately we were going to have you in May at our conference, but here we are virtually. And I thought this book was very timely because it came out right around graduation. And I remember hearing you speak about the book and suggesting for people to read the book upon graduation, it would give them a primer on what is going on around the world, but also starting at a spot where people could understand how these world order that we're living in now, and it's obviously changing, but how the world order sort of got constructed.

Anthony Scaramucci: (00:51)
And some people think that we're still fighting the first world war, some people think we're still fighting that in the Middle East and so forth. So I would love to have you start first with your background. I think you have one of the more fascinating American stories where you were raised here in New York, but you went on to become this internationalist and great geopolitical thinker. And then I want to talk about where we are today and how we got there, but tell us a little bit you first.

Dr. Richard Haass: (01:22)
Well, thank you, Anthony, and thank you, John. Great to be back with you. Sorry, it's only that it's virtual rather than in-person. Look I've been really lucky. I've had the kind of career that you can only have in the United States. In most other countries, you pretty much have to decide early on what you're going to do when you grow up. And one of the good things, many good things about this country is that there's flexibility. And I've been able to go in and out of government. So I worked for different presidents and on the outside I've been at various think tanks and universities. Now I'm at the Council on Foreign Relations. So in that sense, it's been incredibly interesting.

Dr. Richard Haass: (02:08)
I got into this field really for two reasons. One is when I came of age, Vietnam was a big debate in the '60s. I was too young for civil rights to be the formative debate so I got interested in the world. And what really led me in this direction, I was a head of professor of religion at Oberlin. When I got to campus in '69, I said, " Who's the best professor?" People said, " It's professor Frank." And I said, "Okay, what does he teach?" And they said, " New Testament." And I said, "Well, that's interesting. That's not the one we read in our house, but I'm willing to try it."

Dr. Richard Haass: (02:39)
I did, as you know, a good teacher can make any subject fantastic. He was a great teacher. I got involved from there, I spend time in the Middle East and so forth. And one thing led to another led to another. And if there's anyone young watching this, I'd say don't over-plan your life. Just do interesting things. And it'll add up to be an interesting life. And I've been going in and out of government ever since. So when I'm out, my life is two halves. One half is the running of institutions now for nearly 18 years to Council on Foreign Relations. And the other half is essentially putting ideas out into the public conversation. Whether in books, articles, TV, podcasts, Twitter, events like this, what have you. But I just think, right now it's an important time to do these things because there's so many things in play. That it's not a time to sit back. I really do think it's a time to jump in.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:40)
So tell us why you wrote this book. What was the idea behind it? You've written obviously many different books 2017, The World in Disarray, but this is a different book. This is a book where somebody could pick it up if they landed from Mars, and say, "Okay. What's going on planet earth. And how is the geopolitical system set up? And what are the challenges for the people of earth?" Tell us about that.

Dr. Richard Haass: (04:04)
Well, you're right. All my previous books were books written, how do I put this, for people one way or another kind of like me, people in the foreign policy debate, people who had made this a big interest or even their careers. And it's a kind of insider's debate. Every field has some economists have them, scientists have them. Where you're writing at a level where you can assume a lot of knowledge, assume a lot of background. And you're essentially making arguments. You want to change the thinking of people. This is fundamentally different. I came to the conclusion a few years ago. I guess two things. One is, I'd said a lot of what I had to say, particularly in the Disarray book and some other books, Foreign Policy Begins at Home. And at some point as an academic, you've got to avoid the temptations to rewrite your books. You got to move on.

Dr. Richard Haass: (04:53)
And that also in this country and around the world, you had an extraordinary number of people who simply didn't have the basic knowledge and understanding in order to be an informed citizen. And in that I'm a Jeffersonian. I believe democracy thrives only when its citizens are informed and I hate the idea that people say this November are going to vote for a candidate without having thought hard about the issues or harder about their stances on some of the foreign policy issues. Even though what that person would do, if they're elected, would have tremendous consequences for all of us.

Dr. Richard Haass: (05:27)
And the problem is you can go to Harvard or Stanford or any other elite university, not to mention the non-elite universities and colleges, not to mention high schools and you can graduate essentially illiterate unknowing about the world. These courses either are not offered in high school, or if they're offered in college and university, they're not required. And way, way too many Americans are leaving campus, essentially not equipped to deal with this global world we find ourselves in. Or if you're my age and you may be studied at 40 or 50 years ago, whatever you studied was obsolete. Technology has changed. The Cold War has been over for three decades.

Dr. Richard Haass: (06:07)
If you watch the nightly news, you're not going to pick up much of anything about the world. If you go on the internet, the problem is it's all there, but so is a ton of other stuff that's junk. And there's nobody there to point you to the right sites and say, read this, ignore that. So what I decided to do was to try to write a primmer or the rich call a primer that would essentially be one-stop shopping that would give you the foundation, make you a more informed citizen, help you navigate all that's going on. Hopefully would also lead you to read other books. But even if not, my goal was to kind of bring people to a level where they, again, could be more informed citizens make better decisions politically and personally, and what this is, is a relatively short 300+ page book assumes nothing, explains everything. And the idea is to make an interesting and accessible and hopefully I will have succeeded.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:02)
Well listen, it's a great narrative as well. And I love reading the book and we were talking before we went on the air live about certain chapters. But when you go back to World War I, in some ways we're still fighting World War I, as you point out and World War I, we got the treaty wrong. Obviously you point that out as well. And the Middle East, the Sykes-Picot Treaty and the evacuation of the Ottoman Empire from the Middle East is still with us today. So what would you say to people about how we got to where we are today and what do we need to do to, I think we would both acknowledge we've had 75 reasonably good years of peace and prosperity as a result of the post World War II architecture. But that is fraying. And obviously President Trump is dismantling parts of it, but take us back World War I, World War II, the architecture and where we are today.

Dr. Richard Haass: (08:03)
I think you set it up exactly right. Now, we came out of World War I, which was meant to be the war to end all wars. And two decades later, the world was back at war. So something went drastically wrong. And what went wrong was the United States embraced isolationism. We rejected the League of Nations. We rejected trade. We embraced protectionism. With the depression, you had the rise of populism and extreme nationalism. Countries weren't serious about security, didn't react to threats when they happen. And like I said, by the late '30s, we were back in a global war and the United States for all of its efforts, couldn't avoid the consequences. Couldn't stay out.

Dr. Richard Haass: (08:52)
So there's lots of lessons in this. There's lots of lessons about the falling isolationism. There's the lessons that like it or not, the world matters. There's the importance of working with others rather than unilaterally. There's the risks of protectionism. We want to both the reasons of wealth, but also to create connections. We want trade to be a vibrant thing. Coming out of World War II, what was so interesting is the people who led the United States after World War II, beginning with President Harry Truman and those around them, they went to school on the lessons of after World War I. They read that stuff. They were old enough in many cases to have lived through it. And they were determined not to repeat the mistakes. So you didn't have a return to isolation.

Dr. Richard Haass: (09:37)
As we did an escape back behind the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. We entered into alliances, including NATO. We built great global institutions, the World Bank, the IMF, the precursor of the World Trade Organization, the UN and so forth. We got the American people to support an American role in the world. You know, Acheson wrote his memoirs under the title Present at the Creation, well, it's not modest, but it's actually accurate. This was a truly indeed the most creative moment in American foreign policy. And we've been riding their wave for 70, 75 years. And as you say, it's framed, a lot of these institutions were never designed for this year. Lots of challenges that we now had didn't exist then. You didn't have climate change. Didn't have cyberspace, North Korea, Iran didn't have any nuclear materials. The world was a couple of billion people. Now it's nearly eight billion people and on and on.

Dr. Richard Haass: (10:36)
So we don't have the institutional basis anymore. I think what's also happened is now a lot of Americans don't see the benefits because they don't know this history or don't see it the same way I do. Don't see the benefits of America's involvement in the world. They only see the cost. They look selectively at the mistakes we've made, the Iraq's or Vietnam's rather than the larger areas where we've got it right. And suddenly once again, we find ourselves in debates where against the backdrop of rising great power rivalry against all these global challenges we have the United States, again, flirting with isolationism, flirting with unilateralism, flirting with protectionism.

Dr. Richard Haass: (11:21)
So I'm not saying a war is inevitable. I'm not saying we're at 1936 now. I'm not making that argument, but there are certain echoes. Mark Twain's line history doesn't repeat itself, but it rhymes. There's some rhyming about the post-World War I era, and we need to take its lessons to heart because good things just don't happen. Peace and order don't just happen because they're inevitable or they're the natural way of things. To the contrary, they're the unnatural way of things. And if we want peace and prosperity to happen, we have to work hard with others to make them happen.

Anthony Scaramucci: (11:55)
I mean, one of the points that I've heard you make on television, you make it on Twitter, you lace it into the book. And I think it's in quote. I want to get your reaction to this. See, the precursor to the World Trade Organization was the General Agreements of Trade and Tariffs. And when that was designed, there was a coordinated effort by the State Department and Treasury and more or less a bipartisan effort to make those straight deals uneven. United States being the last industrial superpower of existing capitalist superpower after World War II, we wanted to have a burgeoning middle class and rising living standards around the world.

Anthony Scaramucci: (12:32)
I saw your interview with, I think it was Dr. Steele who wrote the Marshall Plan at the Council Foreign Relations. It was a brilliant book about us rebuilding infrastructure outside the United States to shore up prosperity around the world, to not only protect it from communism, but also to create a flourishing, a dynamic market for people. And that unevenness caught up to us a little bit. President Trump obviously has challenged that unevenness. So let's say you were the foreign policies are, let's say you were present at a new creation and you had Dean Atkinson's role today. What type of infrastructure architecture would you discard that you think is obsolete? And what type of things would you build for the world that you think would help us into the 21st Century?

Dr. Richard Haass: (13:26)
There's a zillion things I could say, but let me focus on two. One is I would probably think about architectures in the plural rather than the singular one. There's not going to be a UN or anything else that's going to solve or manage our problems for us. Instead, we're going to have to think about separate arrangements for separate challenges. Might be different, not might be, will be your needs to be different participants. So for example, if you're worried about climate change, you might say let's bring the most important, significant industrial countries into this. We don't need 190 countries. We can probably get by with 15. So we'll do it with them and we'll set up an arrangement there that would encourage certain types of behaviors. In cyber, I would say we would begin with the more open societies, because we're more likely to have something in common about what the rules of the road ought to be.

Dr. Richard Haass: (14:20)
We've done certain things, I would say Iran or North Korea. And that way we bring together a handful of countries to provide negotiating forum. So what I would have is a kind of designer multi-lateralism. And in some cases, by the way, if say I was going to deal with global health, Anthony, I would have maybe the Gates Foundation, some of the big pharma companies. I don't think you should limit yourself to countries. If you're dealing with cyberspace, you'd want to have Google and Facebook and Apple and Twitter in the room.

Dr. Richard Haass: (14:52)
So one would be, I'd spend a lot of time designing a new set of architectures that would be multilateral and would be in each case, bring together those who are willing, able, relevant to deal with the challenge. So that'd be one thing I would do, but it would need to be a creative situation led by the United States, working with others, that'd be one thing. The other is, and this goes back even further in history, you talking about World War I, going back to the rise of the modern era. It's actually the 17th century. The rise of the idea of sovereignty of sovereign states, respecting one another's borders, not changing them by force. I think that's still important.

Dr. Richard Haass: (15:34)
We learned the hard way once Saddam Hussein went into Kuwait 30 years ago, when Russia went into Ukraine. We need respect for borders. We don't want to live in a world of mayhem. And even now we want to have respect for borders also against cyber. What Russia is doing is outrageous and shouldn't be able to get away with that sort of thing. But I would argue that's not enough. What we've learned also the hard way is that our respect for sovereignty can't be absolute. We already acknowledged that with genocide, if a country wants to kill or allow millions of people to be killed within their borders, I don't think sovereignty gives them that right.

Dr. Richard Haass: (16:08)
If a country wants to harbor terrorists within its borders and those terrorists mount attacks against us or anybody else as the Taliban learned after 9/11, sovereignty doesn't protect you. If Brazil wants to destroy the Amazon rainforest, that would have cataclysmic consequences for global efforts against climate change. I don't see why Brazil should have the right, just because the rainforest largely falls on its territory. Countries need to meet certain obligations in dealing with the outbreaks of disease. China didn't, we're all paying a price for it. Just because North Korea wants to have nuclear weapons, I don't believe they should have the right to do it.

Dr. Richard Haass: (16:48)
So what think we need to do is begin the conversation about a world that has a different operating system. And it includes sovereignty, the good parts of it, but it can't be absolute. We need to start to condition sovereignty on responsible obligate behavior on countries meeting certain agreed upon obligations. So those would be the two things I'd emphasize. A new operating system for the world and new institutions to deal with global challenges. The rest of it we know how to deal with. We know how to deal with rising great powers and the rest. We have a playbook for that. But these other two things I think need to be new.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:25)
Well, I mean, but there's another thing that's unspoken that we, you and I are always talking about, which is the specter of nationalism. And it's the specter of politicians that seize on nationalism rather than being transformative in trying to calm things down. They use that jingoism as a way to gain power. And so there's an issue related to that. We don't have to go into it today. I want to turn it over to questions. Before I get there, though, I saw you on Morning Joe, this morning discussing the incident with China and the situation in Houston with the Chinese Consulate.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:01)
I thought you said something very interesting about you could use a sledgehammer or you could bring a scalpel to a situation like this. And so for people that maybe are not as aware of this issue as you and I are, tell us a little bit about the issue and tell us about what's going on in the China-US relationship and what you're concerned about and what we need to do to improve that relationship.

Dr. Richard Haass: (18:22)
This is for those who slept in this morning, and didn't watch Morning Joe. What China is doing-

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:30)
That's you John Darsie, pay attention. Okay. I know you missed it this morning. Ll right.

John Darsie: (18:32)
I don't have cable. I'm not one of these baby boomers that still has their cable box. I'm a streamer.

Dr. Richard Haass: (18:37)
John was clearly, he was clearly organizing his room. So Room Rater would give him a higher rating. That is how it was.

John Darsie: (18:41)
Exactly right.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:44)
I just have to say, Dr. Haass, I was so happy when you blend with a room that crushed John Darsie. And what I said to Dr. Haass is I gave him an 11 over a Scaramucci, which is an 11 out of 11, John. Okay. So you can take the fake George Washington picture down now. Okay. He's crushed you with the globe and even like the beautiful lighting and everything. But let's go to China and tell us where you think we are and tell us about that issue and how is it going to play out or how would you like to see it play out?

Dr. Richard Haass: (19:16)
China's doing lots of things that we have every right to be strongly opposed to. Whether it's theft of intellectual property, at times using students to do espionage, getting access to American laboratories associated with American universities or the private sector. So there's lots that China is doing here that should give us pause. Obviously same holds for the rest of the world. But closing a consulate is not the response. If I had been in the State Department, I would have said, okay, we would go to the Chinese foreign minister or to their ambassador in Washington and say, "Look, we have the goods on these guys. So you either withdraw them or we're going to kick them out. And we're not going to do this publicly, we're not going to embarrass you, but this is unacceptable behavior."

Dr. Richard Haass: (20:06)
If we have real problems with their students, we would go to the Chinese ambassador or foreign minister and say, "Hey, we're all in favor of your students coming here to study. We're not in favor of your students coming here to do espionage. So we're going to force these students to leave, or we're going to start denying your certain students from China, access to certain types of laboratories and all that because we just don't trust that they're legitimate students. Again, we would do it quietly. We're not out to start a major cycle of action and a reaction of tit for tat."

Dr. Richard Haass: (20:38)
The fact that we didn't do that. We made this public, this guarantees the Chinese are going to shut down at least one of our consulate. We each have a half dozen consulates. So what are they going to do? Shut our consulates, say in Hong Kong? How is that going to help us? How is that going to help us monitor events there? We use other consulates in China to keep an eye not just on China, but on some of its neighbors. How is that going to help us? It's a lot easier for China to have people in the United States, moving about keeping an eye on us than it is us to have Americans in China. We need these consulates.

Dr. Richard Haass: (21:14)
So it seems to me, this is really self-defeating in the narrow sense that we're going to make ourselves a little bit more blind, shall we say. We're not going to fundamentally affect China's ability to monitor what we are doing. And this is going to contribute to the momentum of the breakdown of the most important relationship in this year of history and call me cynical, but it looks to me, this is far more about American politics and the run up to the November election to look, "tough on China" than it is about anything in terms of foreign policy.

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:49)
Right. Let's roll over to John.

John Darsie: (21:50)
So we're going to go to questions, Dr. Haass. You talked about the crumbling of these global supernational organizations and the rise of nationalism, especially in the United States. Is that rise in nationalism and the erosion of that global order, is that a disease that's born out of rising income inequality? Is it disease born out of just the lack of education about history? Is it a disease that's born out of the fact that the greatest generation is dying off? Bob Dole just turned 97 yesterday, and I think it reminded people of sort of an era that's gone. And is Trump a symptom of the disease or is he the disease itself that's causing the crumbling of these organizations?

Dr. Richard Haass: (22:37)
I think to some extent it's useful, John, to distinguish between populism and nationalism. And I think a lot of the populism does derive from a living standards that are either drifting or actually in some cases going down. I think nationalism is something that's also a response at times to a sense of losing out. People aren't comfortable with trends, with their own trajectory and they're looking for other things to grab onto. I think political leaders at times put them out there because they can be popular lame scapegoat immigrants, scapegoat, foreign competition, and so forth.

Dr. Richard Haass: (23:18)
So I think all of these are pretty much in the playbook of responses to difficult times. It's one of the reasons that it's important to have things like growing economies and the rest. I think Donald Trump is both a reflection of this and a driver of it. I think Trumpism, when you think about the context he got elected, it was after Iraq and Afghanistan. The sense that we'd overreached after the 2007/8 economic crisis, the financial crisis. I think it was a general sense of the establishment and elites had let the country down. So people were willing to take a flyer on this outsider. And what I think we're realizing is that bad situations can get worse.

Dr. Richard Haass: (23:57)
And the question is whether we self-correct or not, and we're seeing it around the world. We saw it in Brazil, we're seeing it in Mexico, but we're also seeing on a lot of these places is that whosever is in power is being held to responsible and to account. So when people in power do well and there's challenge, say like Angela Merkel, in Germany, or say the governor of Rhode Island, Gina Raimondo, or the prime minister of New Zealand, their numbers go way up. And when Bolsonaro or Lopez Obrador does bad in Brazil or Mexico respectively, their numbers will go down. The Iranian government is under pressure from below because their performing. Donald Trump's numbers have gone down dramatically because he has performed badly on COVID-19.

Dr. Richard Haass: (24:51)
So I think these things go in waves. I just think the danger now is when the things begin to get out of hand, that countries are that the normal stuff of foreign policy and diplomacy breaks down and that leaders become prisoners either of the nationalism and populism in some ways that brought them to power. And I think particularly in the US-Chinese relationship right now, both countries were paying enormous price from further deterioration in the relationship. But I can't sit here and tell you it's not going to happen. At the moment, the momentum is bad.

John Darsie: (25:24)
You write in the book that climate change may be, and this is a quote, "the defining issue of this century". And you touched on it briefly earlier about how we might be able to tackle that issue in a multinational international type of framework. Do you believe that in the current environment, we're going to be able to marshal a global response? And in your opinion, what exactly should that global response look like to tackle climate change?

Dr. Richard Haass: (25:48)
The reason I think climate change could be that defining is I think the potential of it to change so many dimensions of life on earth are great. Shortages of water, loss of access to arable land. There's a great piece by the way, in today's New York Times, and it's one of those graphics dynamic, and I don't know what they're called interactive, but it talks about the hundreds of millions of people who are likely to be turned into forced migrants because of climate change over the next 50 years. And just think of that. If we have hundreds of millions of people, where are they going to go? What's going to be implications of that not just for human life, for disease, for political stability in the countries they go to? So I think climate change in of itself is really bad and it will set in motion other trends.

Dr. Richard Haass: (26:36)
I think there's two ways to deal with it. And by the way, we've knocked on the right way. So far, we've done what I call the UN General Assembly approach. We try to get everybody together and we try to get them to agree to a formula. And historically, we've now had three formulas. We've had cap and trade, we've had a global carbon tax, and now we have the Paris Approach. Not one has worked at all. And even if the United States were part of Paris it's such an inadequate framework. It not worth the effort really. So I think there's two answers on climate change. One is the top-down approach. And as I said, if United States or in something like TPP, that'd be a great place to start. And you'd basically say, if you want to export to a TPP country, we represent nearly half the world's markets. Great. But if you're using coal to produce something, uh-uh (negative), there's going to be a tariff on it. There's ways to incentivize people to improve their climate performance, things like that.

Dr. Richard Haass: (27:33)
And then I think the other thing is from below the ground up, which is fuels, and I would be putting massive amounts of money into research through the energy department and otherwise. Everything from working on hydrogen as a fuel to renewables and so forth. And to some extent, some of this has happened. We're beginning to see the market, regulatory policy. I would be very demanding of automobiles and trucks, and with so-called cafe standards. In my experience, Detroit responds well so long as they know what the rules are and they know what they're not going to change. They're able to meet demanding guidelines. So I would essentially create a framework where we make tremendous innovation and I would make this a priority for innovation. And then I'd be thinking about when we do have breakthroughs, how we share them with the rest of the world, almost like we did with HIV medications.

Dr. Richard Haass: (28:22)
If we have certain technologies that are major assets in the battle against climate change, we should think about making them globally available. And then we should also create these trade related frameworks for incentivizing countries to, "clean up their acts." And so I would have a two-pronged or three-pronged approach, regulation, innovation, and a different approach to global frameworks. But we better get going on this. This is one of the things, sorry to go on too long,

John Darsie: (28:51)
No problem.

Dr. Richard Haass: (28:51)
This is a really hard issue to deal with because it's a slow motion crisis. And in my experience, governments and particularly democracies don't do well with slow motion crises. A little bit of like a lot of the businessmen and women who are part of us all. We all face the pressure of the urgent crowding out the important. So like right now, for example, we're dealing with PPP and putting people back to work in this country because of a COVID-19 and issues dealing with climate are pushed off. We don't have the luxury of dealing with them, but why wouldn't we marry PPP with climate change? Why couldn't we say, if you're going to get X billions of dollars from the government, you can't use coal or you're going to have to adopt these set of regulatory standards. So I think it's a mistake not to deal with this now, to think we can wait till tomorrow because this is not a good bottle of Bordeaux. It ain't get better if we lay it down for a day, a week, a month, a year or 10 years. The options are only going to get worse.

John Darsie: (29:56)
Another great primer you offer in the book is the idea of why having the US dollar as the global reserve currency is such a powerful weapon for the United States, both from an economic and the State Department uses it as a weapon and pulling lever of powers in certain parts of the world? Could you explain to our audience why that global reserve currency status is so important for the United States?

Dr. Richard Haass: (30:20)
Sure, Valery Giscard d'Estaing became the president of France, when he was their finance minister, the phrase he called, it was it conveyed on us, conferred on us, exorbitant privilege. Essentially means we can do what we need to do in terms of the Fed can do what it needs to do in terms of managing the American economy. And the whole world basically goes, responds to it. It means that if we chalk up debt and we've obviously chalked up a lot of it, it's in dollars. We don't have to worry about changing rates. I mean, imagine if all of our debt were in some other currency and suddenly the dollar weakened against it, our debt would go up by whatever percentage the dollar weekend against it.

Dr. Richard Haass: (31:04)
It means if we do want to introduce certain types of sanctions, the dollar is the mechanism by which we do it. So it gives us tremendous economic and political advantage. The problem is the rest of the world is beginning to grow a little bit uncomfortable with it. One is we've overly weaponized it. Two, we've amassed this enormous debt. Three, we've politicized the Fed to some extent, president's attacks on Jay Powell. Four, our response to COVID-19 has raised questions about our competence. Fifth, the worst thing of relations with allies over trade and with Chinese over everything has made others less willing to live in a dollar-dominated world, plus willing to live with the dollar as a reserve currency in part because it does give us influence and advantage. So I think what we're doing is hastening the emergence, not of an alternative world, but of rivals. And my guess is in a number of years, the dollar won't be nearly as dominant as it is now. And that we will pay a political and economic price because we'll lose some of our advantage, some of our influence.

John Darsie: (32:11)
So we have multiple questions on China. We'll wrap up with this question, then I'm going to aggregate into one. And you touched on US-China relations, but let's envision a scenario whereby Joe Biden wins the election in November. Obviously the tone and the approach that the Trump administration has taken towards China has weakened China economically. And frankly it's weakened the United States economically, to some extent. What do you see as the future direction of US-China relations? What's your view on the risk of military conflict in the South China sea, where tensions are rising? Do you think China might take a little bit more of an appeasement type of approach as it relates to the United States to sort of hit the reset button on relationship with the new administration?

Dr. Richard Haass: (32:54)
It's a good question. I've been thinking about it a lot. My own view is US-Chinese relations are going to be difficult and troubled, regardless of what happens this November. If you look at the people advising Vice President Biden, if anything, they care far more and they've been far more consistent in their concerns about Hong Kong, the regards human rights in China. They have been far more consistent about their concerns about the South China sea. On economics, they've been less preoccupied with the level of American exports to China, the kind of phase one trade deals sort of stuff that's animated the president. So my point is simply I think US-Chinese relations are going to be troubled regardless.

Dr. Richard Haass: (33:39)
I think the problem, probably the difference in a Biden approach is it'll list allies a lot more in Asia and in Europe. And it would be less by Twitter or more by classical diplomacy. And I think that's important. So I think the fundamental differences would be there. No one should kid themselves. This is going to be awfully difficult, but I think the approach might increase the odds that you have a slightly better chance of at least lowering the temperature, but we shouldn't kid ourselves. The differences particularly on trade are profound about everything from intellectual property protection, to the role of the state in the economy. These are fundamental differences to what I can and I said over human rights over China. And China is clearly entering what seems to be a new phase of its foreign policy. China's come a long way since Deng Xiaoping the idea of hiding and biding your time.

Dr. Richard Haass: (34:36)
Well, it's clear to me that Xi Jinping has essentially said, we're done hiding, we're done biding. We're here. The future is now. We're more assertive. Look at it like what they did with India. Look at the South China sea with Vietnam. Look at what they've done in Hong Kong. Look at what they're saying and doing this with Taiwan. So I think we have to begin from the assumption that this is going to be both the most important and in some ways the most challenging relationship we have. And I think it will be difficult and challenging under regardless of what happens this November.

John Darsie: (35:15)
Dr. Haass, we're going to leave it there. Thanks so much for taking the time to join us again. We really enjoyed having you at SALT Abu Dhabi, and we look forward to having you at a future SALT Conference, either in Vegas or elsewhere. But thanks again for doing this.

Anthony Scaramucci: (35:28)
Richard before you go, what is the next book? Have you thought about it yet?

Dr. Richard Haass: (35:33)
First, you're great to ask. I can produce one about every three years since I have a day job at the Council on Foreign Relations. First, I'll produce a paperback for this and a new edition of The World in Disarray. I'll put those out next spring, and then I'll start thinking seriously about the next book. So I need a little...I think when you write books, you kind of go through a cycle of decompression after you finish, you finish it, you go out and promote it. I'll do the forwards to the paperback edition of this one and the last one. And then I'll put my feet up and I don't know about you, but I walk a lot when I think about books. So I'll increase my step count and that'll help me come up with the next book.

Anthony Scaramucci: (36:22)
All right. Well, a terrific rendition of what's going on. I'm going to hold the book up one more time before we say goodbye, a fantastic book. I recommend it to all the college kids that are listening in on this. And Richard, I hope I get a chance to see you in person soon. We get back to Breakfast. You're a great voice in the debate and we loved having you on. Thank you again.

Dr. Richard Haass: (36:42)
Thank you. Thank you, Anthony, thank you, John. Be safe and well all of you.

John Darsie: (36:45)
Take care.

Anthony Scaramucci: (36:45)
Thank you. You too, sir.

Essential Cannabis with ETFMG | SALT Talks #18

“Governors are now desperate for revenues.”

Jason Wilson of SALT-partner ETFMG, home of MJ which is the world’s largest cannabis ETF, hosted a virtual roundtable on the future of cannabis and its investing opportunities. Joined by Wilson is three leaders in the cannabis space: David Culver of Canopy Growth, Patrick Martin of Cozen O’Connor and Eric Huey of Platinum Advisors.

The guests offer their perspectives as governmental cannabis regulation experts to discuss all the ways the rapidly growing cannabis industry will affect jobs, tax revenue and elections among many other impacted areas. Cannabis retail stores’ designation as essential business all over the country has highlighted the increased acceptance and product demand. With impending state budget shortfalls, cannabis legalization is likely to only quicken, especially in states like New York and Pennsylvania. “Governors are now desperate for revenues,”

Similar to prohibition in the United States during the 1920s and 30s before its repeal in the face of an economy in desperate need of a jumpstart, cannabis will be seen as major source of economic stimulus and tax revenue in states around the country.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKERS

Martin%2C+Patrick.jpeg

Patrick Martin

Principal & Director

Cozen O’Connor

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Eric Huey

President

Platinum Advisors

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David Culver

Vice President

Canopy Growth Corporation

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

Anthony Scaramucci: (00:10)
Hello everybody, welcome to SALT Talks. This is unfortunately in lieu of the SALT Conference. We're trying to have a few times a week, some very interesting discussions about what's going on in the world, and some real meaty topical investment topics as well. I am in lieu of John Darcy today. You can see there's no duck here, and the rumor is that John Darcy's mother-in-law threw that duck in the garbage. So you won't be seeing that duck any time soon.

Anthony Scaramucci: (00:38)
But this is Anthony Scaramucci and today's SALT Talk is about cannabis, and so the title is Essential Cannabis. It is a panel brought to you by one of our SALT Partners, ETFMG. The stock symbol is MJ. And we've been a big supporter of the cannabis space over the years. Given our libertarian philosophy, we feel like, particularly for medical uses and obviously recreational, but medical uses, this is going to be an explosively growing industry.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:13)
I'm going to turn it over to these guys in a second. But ETFMG is the leading Thematic ETF issuer. It's known for innovative investment products like MJ, the world's largest cannabis ETF, and most recently, GERM or GERM, the first way to invest directly in vaccines, treatments, and testing in biotech. So hosting today's panel is ETFMG MJ's research and banking expert, Jason Wilson.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:49)
Jason is a Toronto native. He's a Canadian Forces Veteran with over 15 years of asset management experience in finance, structured products, and he has a great track record in bringing hard-to-access asset classes to the market. He's been working in connection with the legal cannabis industry for the past decade and is a great host for what I think will be a phenomenal panel. So with that, I'm going to turn it over to Jason. Good luck to you guys and we're fascinated by the upcoming discussion.

Jason Wilson: (02:24)
Great, Anthony, thanks very much for the intro. Thanks for the opportunity to be part of SALT Talks. To our audience today, welcome to cannabis analysis, a discussion we're going to have on cannabis, which is, right now, the world's largest [inaudible 00:02:38]. We have three great guest speakers joining us today to discuss the growth of cannabis industry and the effect it will have on US jobs, tax revenue, the upcoming election.

Jason Wilson: (02:51)
Top of the lineup is David Culver. He currently serves as vice president of government stakeholder relations in cannabis growth. Dave has about 20 years of federal experience and currently manages all database, state, federal, agent [inaudible 00:03:03]. Very busy job on his part. Patrick Martin [inaudible 00:03:08] will also be joining us today. Patrick's a principal at [inaudible 00:03:13], where he directs the firm's government relations and public advocacy efforts in the Midwest.

Jason Wilson: (03:18)
He's also a key member the firm's government relations to Washington, D.C. Last, but definitely not least, we have Eric Huey. Eric is president of Platinum Advisors. He has over 25 years of experience as senior government relations and public affairs executive. He's repeatedly been on The Hill's list of top lobbyists in Washington, D.C. Thank you, speakers, for joining us. I think it's going to be a great conversation [inaudible 00:03:43].

Jason Wilson: (03:44)
So, I guess, to kick things off and get right into it, let's talk about cannabis and COVID. Now, when we look at what happened back in March, obviously numerous states started issuing stay at home orders and impaired cannabis-related businesses, along with most other consumer facing businesses were being forced to shut down. And we had a 180. Maybe it didn't take long where most of the states that legalized cannabis decided that they were essential businesses and allowed them to be open. Patrick, can you tell us a little bit... I know you work with a bunch of multi-state operators. Can you tell us what was happening behind the scenes that saw that reversal?

Patrick Martin: (04:24)
Sure, absolutely. And, Jason, thank you so much for having us. COVID really brought the cannabis industry front and center in terms of how states were both responding to the crisis, and also how states were making determinations about what businesses were essential and what businesses were not essential. And what we saw is, overwhelmingly, across the country, in almost 30 states, the cannabis programs both medical and adult use were deemed essential.

Patrick Martin: (04:54)
I'm speaking to you all from Illinois. We have a young but very successful adult use program here that was passed in historic fashion by our state legislature last year. And what we saw was the governor and his team and folks in our state legislature saying that we need this program to go forward, and that it needs to be treated just like grocery stores and liquor stores, and other forms of retail, that in the midst of an economic crisis are going to provide a real benefit to these communities.

Patrick Martin: (05:30)
Just in the month of May, the Illinois Department of Financial and Professional Regulation has told us that there was 77 million dollars in sales here in Illinois, combined for our medical program and our adult use program as well. So extraordinary economic benefits of the state. So you saw a lot of governors say very clearly to their states that this needs to be deemed essential. And I think it really showed progress for the industry and for how cannabis is being viewed across the country as an essential part of our economy.

Jason Wilson: (06:04)
Awesome. The majority of the US population [inaudible 00:06:14] states has not only legalized cannabis, but it says essential. And yet we have a handful of states that aren't quite there yet. Let's not even talk about the federal level yet. So what's going to happen later this year? I mean, do you see a number of states moving forward to legalize, maybe later this year, maybe early 2021? Patrick, Eric, you can both chip in on this.

Patrick Martin: (06:37)
Yeah, I think you're going to see states that don't have an adult use program but maybe have a medical program take a look and assess the political environment. And I think likewise, states that have neither are going to take a look at doing something maybe in the medical space for the first time. The other thing, in response to COVID that I didn't mention earlier, is the disconnect between the action that the states took in deeming cannabis an essential industry and the federal government providing no relief in any of the packages that were signed into law, particularly the Cares Act.

Patrick Martin: (07:14)
Cannabis businesses aren't able to benefit from any of those small business programs because of the federal illegality. And so once again, as we've seen through many issues over the course of our history, states are leading and the federal government just isn't quite there yet, but we think the momentum is certainly in our direction.

Eric Huey: (07:36)
Jason, first of all, thank you. Thanks to SALT Talk and ETFMG, and Anthony Scaramucci, and to you, Jason, for having us. There's this weird dichotomy where these are essential facilities but yet they're not legal in so many states. You've got 34 states where it's legal for medical. You have 11 states, plus the Washington D.C. where it's legal for recreational. It's going to be on the ballot in states like New Jersey and South Dakota. It could very well be on the ballot and four or five more all over the West and Upper Midwest.

Eric Huey: (08:12)
And governors are now desperate for revenues. And due to the COVID crisis, you're looking at the state of California has a 64 million dollar deficit. New York's going to have a 13 billion dollar deficit. It's going to need 61 billion in federal funds to make up for it, so you can see the pressure that's mounting on, say, Governor Cuomo in New York where legislatures have penned a letter saying, "We've got to do this. We've got to legalize."

Eric Huey: (08:38)
The governor of New Mexico, Lujan Grisham, said her biggest regret since she became governor is that she did not legalize prior to COVID, because they would have brought in 100 million in revenue, and that's critically needed at this time. So I think by the end of the year... Pennsylvania, of course, is looking at this. I think it could very well move in Pennsylvania because there's both Republican and Democratic agreement that this has to move for moral reasons, due to social justice, it has to move for budgetary and fiscal reasons, and has to move because that's where the will of the people are.

Eric Huey: (09:16)
66% of Americans believe that cannabis should be legal, and that's a majority of Republicans from Baby-Boomers on down to Millennials. And the Democrats are way off the charts, so the public is there. This is inevitable. It just sometimes takes a while for some state leaders, and for federal leaders to get there. But something has to be done and we're going to see movement on this. The momentum is just too great.

Jason Wilson: (09:48)
So David, switching over to you for a second because you actually are working at cannabis growth down in the US. And obviously it's [inaudible 00:09:57] for the industry. Looking at the numbers in the US, 250,000 jobs created in the legal cannabis industry. We've seen 15% and year over year growth in jobs. We're just talking about state revenues, obviously. Colorado alone has generated over a billion dollars in tax revenue since legalizing in 2014. And Eric was touching on it, but David, I'd love to hear your view too. What are municipalities going to do? Is this going to be the big drive really for legalizing? Is to fill all the holes the pandemic has created?

David Culver: (10:37)
Yeah, I think it's going to, and I think Patrick and Eric alluded quite nicely to this. Let me also, just speaking for the first time, express my thanks to you Jason and also to SALT Talks. I very much wish we were sitting in Las Vegas doing this like the rest of us, but hopefully we will be able to do that soon.

David Culver: (10:55)
So I think Patrick and Eric hit on a lot of the main points associated with your question. But what I want just mention that I think is also of importance, is the fact that we are going to start a recovery nationwide once we get this virus under control. And we are going to get it under control and the economy is going to recover. I think cannabis is going be an enormous shot in the arm as we begin that process.

David Culver: (11:24)
The last estimates that I saw really put the job numbers at about 1.5 million, if we were to legalize in the US. And I can't help but think about the end of prohibition, having spent so much time in the alcohol industry. Because the parallels that we are in now related to unemployment and also related to the need to jumpstart the economy at some point soon, or staggering.

David Culver: (11:49)
So opening the market is going to be really critical, I feel. I know that we are investing in that regard as a company, but it's also worth mentioning that we're going to have great products here in the United States. And if we legalize, it's going to really help other countries around the world to do so as well. We're going to be a leading force there and we can really add on to the export potential that we've got through cannabis I believe strongly in that.

David Culver: (12:16)
And then the third prong of it is innovation. I know lots of companies have exciting products coming to market. We have our Martha Stewart Line that we've talked about quite a bit that's coming out in the Fall. And we also have our drinks that will be coming into the US through the acreage channels later this year. And these are exciting innovative products. They have no impact on the liver, they have no calories and they have no hangover.

David Culver: (12:46)
And I think a lot of the country is interested in trying cannabis but they're not going to go the smoking route, and so innovative products like beverages can really drive that economic recovery in this space. So I'm excited about the future and I think that we can be a really important part of the recovery when the nation starts that process.

Jason Wilson: (13:09)
I completely agree. It's going to be fantastic to see how this all plays out. Obviously, it explains a lot of the investment in spaces happening right now. We've heard a lot about COVID and how it's effected the cannabis industry, and obviously the whole economy. We'll see how all that plays out. Hopefully, we get back to normal sooner rather than later.

Jason Wilson: (13:31)
But the other big issue that we've been grappling with, obviously it's been not addressed properly for generations and continues to, particularly during this pandemic, rear it's ugly head. And that's the amount of racism that's out there, the social injustice, the police brutality. And a lot of this ties in with the cannabis industry.

Jason Wilson: (13:54)
Patrick, you represent and work with a number of the cannabis owners in the US. What's your take on this? How are the multi-state operators, cannabis businesses in the US, how are they addressing the social justice issue [inaudible 00:14:09]?

Patrick Martin: (14:10)
Jason, it's a terrific question, and it's of the utmost importance to all of us here. I think what's happened in the last several weeks has caused all of us to really take a step back. And there's been conversations around social and reparative justice in the cannabis industry that have been taking place for a long time. But if you really think about everything that's happened in the last few weeks, Jason, Eric, David, and myself, none of us know what it's like to be arrested or pulled over or targeted because of the color of our skin, and to be arrested for possession of cannabis as a way to be unfairly targeted.

Patrick Martin: (14:59)
None of us know what that's like. And the protests that have taken place over the last several weeks I think have caused all of us to do a lot more listening about what the world is like for so many out there. And cannabis has a unique role to play in not only how do we right the wrongs of the past when we're talking about things like expunging records, when we're talking about things like making sure that cannabis is decriminalized.

Patrick Martin: (15:27)
But what are we doing in terms of looking forward? How are we giving people that have been unfairly targeted and unfairly arrested and prosecuted, how are we giving them opportunities in this new cannabis economy? I think that's what the companies that I work with spend a lot of time talking about. And you've seen states take a leadership role in this as well. I think you'll see large states that look to do adult use programs through their state legislatures look at the model that was set up here in Illinois, which was really the first state to address social equity and social justice in their cannabis law in a really direct way.

Patrick Martin: (16:06)
And it's things like giving people opportunity who are from areas of high unemployment and high poverty and areas that have high arrests and conviction rates on cannabis. In Illinois, we set up a social equity fund, which is financed by current license holders and will be financed by future license holders, and it's through things like loan repayments and license transfers.

Patrick Martin: (16:28)
And then it's companies looking at who they employ and who sits on their boards. And you're already seeing cannabis companies take a second look at who are we employing, and who do we have in the c-suite and in the board room, and does that reflect the diversity of this country? So I think it's a conversation that is going to continue to take place. I know that David and Eric and I talk about it all the time. But this moment in time, we've all been experiencing and living through, I think has really put a fine point on how important this issue is.

Jason Wilson: (17:04)
Yeah, no, absolutely, I think it is an incredibly important issue there. And it's great to hear that measures are being taken to address this. David, if I can, I'd like to put you in the hot seat a little bit. This is not just a US issue. I know obviously, the bulk of the protests have been happening in the United States, but up here in Canada, in Toronto we've seen it, in London, across the globe. Canopy is unique. They are a global entity. It operates in over a dozen different countries globally. How are you guys looking at this from a global perspective?

David Culver: (17:38)
It's a really important issue for our company, Jason, and I appreciate the question, and I also appreciate all the remarks that Patrick made. Because we do, as a small GR team, think about this all day, every day. I'll get to that a bit more in a minute. But specifically with Canopy, we put out a number of statements related to our position and standing with those demanding justice.

David Culver: (18:03)
So we are there, but we have decided that we need to take more time as a company to review what we're going to do. Because this isn't about press releases, it's about acting. And Patrick mentioned the boardroom and the c-suite, so we're taking a closer look internally with our leaders at our own diversity inclusion program, which we began working on last year when Hillary Black stepped into the role as head of our corporate social responsibility.

David Culver: (18:36)
This is something that we have a number of ongoing conversations over the next few weeks, and we're excited to be showing the results and that path forward at some point in the near future. So hopefully next time when we chat, we'll be able to provide some more specifics about what we're doing internally.

David Culver: (18:53)
But externally, it's going to be really important for us as a company and others in the Canopy space, to continue to partner with social justice organizations and programs across the US. Canopy's biggest... Well, around the world, Jason, Canopy's biggest thrust has been with National Expungement Week which we partnered last year there, and we will do so again this year.

David Culver: (19:17)
We're excited about that partnership. Also in Illinois, and also New York, we have a partnership there that we've just established with the Last Prisoner Project to help cannabis prisoners for nonviolent offenses get out of jail. So this is just tip of the iceberg of what we're doing, and again, I think when we chat in a month or two, we'll have a lot more discussion about what Canopy's up to, and we're excited about the project and to be a part of the movement.

Jason Wilson: (19:46)
That's great news, and incredibly interesting. I guess it really begs the question... This is an open question, all of you may want to hear from Eric a little bit, but is this something that really should be addressed through federal legalization? Instead of just going the decriminalization route, is this what we really need legislation for?

Eric Huey: (20:09)
Absolutely. We have to come to grips with the fact that our cannabis laws, our drug laws generally, particularly as it relates to cannabis, have a long history of racial bias and racial prejudice, going back to Harry Anslinger in the 1930s. The first Federal Bureau of Narcotics chief who was an unrepentant blatant racist. And the very use of the term marijuana with an H, they used that term rather than cannabis or other terminology so that they could make it sound more Mexican.

Eric Huey: (20:44)
The entire history of the laws set up to enforce marijuana were designed, in large part, to put black and brown man into cages. When you look at how they've been enforced over the past, through Nixon and Schedule One, all the way through recent attorneys general, black men are arrested at four times the rate than white men for cannabis despite the fact that they're only 12% of the population, African Americans.

Eric Huey: (21:10)
So that is not an accident. That is systemic and it's systematic, and if we're going to look at this whole notion, the probable cause is the color of your skin, well what is the pretext for an arrest? The statistics are staggering on this. We spend three and a half billion dollars a year on cannabis enforcement alone. We do 600,000 arrests a year for cannabis. In 2016, we did 600,000. That is more than all violent crime arrests in America combined for all violent crime. Our priorities are out of whack and you have to wonder, is this really about cannabis, right? Or is this about something deeper?

Eric Huey: (21:57)
Somebody's arrested every 37 seconds, and 88% of arrests are for possession. So we have to grapple with that. We have to grapple with it as part of a larger package. We absolutely... Decriminalization and legalization, the passage of the ability to access banking is a component, but the social justice component is going to be critical. For so many African-American men, their interaction with police happens because of a suspicion of cannabis use.

Eric Huey: (22:28)
You can smell it in the air. If they're nearby, they're going to arrest or at least question, the nearest African-American male. Until we grapple with that... The mayor of Kansas City was just saying this week, "We have got to decriminalize this for possession or else we're never really going to get at this." This is step one and it has to be part of a larger federal package.

Jason Wilson: (22:50)
It's absolutely mind-boggling, the numbers, the waste of time and resources, the effect on people's lives, you pointed out for generations. I mean, this is 100 year old plus problem, let alone all the other injustices you might have. That said, if you look globally at what is happneing with respect to cannabis, there's been a lot of progress. You have over 20 countries around the world that have legalized marijuana for medical use. Mexico's soon slated to join Canada in legalizing for adult use.

Jason Wilson: (23:25)
We have the WHO that's recommended that cannabis be rescheduled, and I believe the UN's voting on that shortly. And you should always follow the WHO's recommendations. Interesting to see what happens with that, because I know it will affect international treaties, which is a huge part of the problem.

Jason Wilson: (23:39)
In the US, even, we've had, at the federal level, some progress, obviously. And we've had [inaudible 00:23:46], we improved it. Have a plant-based cannabinoid pharmaceutical used to treat childhood epilepsy. That was a big step in 2019. Going forward, after the FDA rescheduled CBD, it went down to schedule 5. We're seeing progress. David, you guys, obviously, have a global company headquartered in Canada breaking into the US market. You obviously have a lot riding on what happens here at the federal level. What's your take? What's happening? What's the next steps in federal law from your perspective there?

David Culver: (24:25)
Good question, and a very good summary globally, Jason. I think, first of all, the WHO recommendations to the UN are critically important. They punted on the vote there are a couple times now, but it is rescheduled for this coming December. So we're engaged with our US government here. I know other companies are as well. The US position is going to be really important on this. It's going to help drive a lot of the other nation states. So that's something we're watching closely and trying to make sure that our position as a country is a good one.

David Culver: (25:01)
On Capitol Hill, I think that the efforts there, similarly, will also drive efforts around the world. And there's just a couple important notes. Eric and Patrick alluded earlier to COVID relief, and the primary point to make there is that we as an industry had not received any relief from COVID thus far. So if you think about the three prongs that I pressed for early on, the industry pressed for, it was the Safe Banking Act, it was access to small business loans, and it was standard business deductibility.

David Culver: (25:36)
So to date, we don't have any of that. Now, big thanks and hat tip to Speaker Pelosi and the Democrats for putting the Safe Banking Act into the Heroes package, which is now sitting in the Senate. We don't know the fate of it. We very much encourage Chairman Crapo and leader McConnell to adopt the Safe Banking Act, because this is, of course, about access to banks, but it's a public health issue now.

David Culver: (26:02)
We've got to stop dealing in cash. Especially that our sentries are deemed essential as we started with in this conversation. We've got to make sure that we're able to have access to the banks so we don't have to deal with cash day in and day out, because that's a problem.

David Culver: (26:17)
The second thing I'll say is that the COVID crisis, oddly enough, because we were all deemed essential, it's really created a great deal of momentum. And coupled with what Eric just said previously about criminal justice reform, we believe that cannabis legalization is going to be a part of that as well. So the momentum is strong at the moment, and I think the most talked-about piece of legislation is the MORE Act, which Chairman Nadler from New York has introduced.

David Culver: (26:46)
And the most important piece of that legislation in parallel to rescheduling, is the fact that it weaves the social justice that we were talking about earlier through the entire bill. No portion of that bill exists without social justice. If I'm doing my day job correctly, both in Washington, D.C. and also in state capitals, I'm making sure that, that component is weaved into any package that we're addressing. So there's been a lot of discussion about moving the MORE Act this year, and also preparing for what things will look like next year.

Jason Wilson: (27:23)
Can you talk a little bit more about the tax piece and the regulatory components of the MORE Act and how it should come into play?

David Culver: (27:32)
Yeah, sure. So I think there's a couple things that the industry has been thinking about since the MORE Act was introduced last year. And first is the tax piece, which they set a flat federal excise tax rate, which is fine because we're going to need to generate federal excise tax from the sale of this product just like they do with beverage alcohol. But we need to make sure that we are doing it in a way that allows for the illegal market to transition into the legal market without an unusual tax burden.

David Culver: (28:02)
So there's been a lot of ideas that have floated around out there but one of them is to start lower on the federal excise tax and then ramp it up to something that's comparable to alcohol once you get to the point where the elicit market has had the opportunity to transition.

Jason Wilson: (28:20)
Just quickly, what's happening at the industry level? Are we seeing collaboration? I know every company's focused on market share regionally, state wise, what have you, but I would have to think there needs to be a [inaudible 00:28:33] for everyone to get together and work as a united front. Have we started to see that in the cannabis industry?

David Culver: (28:39)
Yeah, we're getting a lot better. I'm a big fan of the Trade Association World, obviously spending a lot of time at one. I think they're very effective. If you looked at the beginning of COVID, you had the most sophisticated of the trade associations coming out right away with requests to Capitol Hill, to lawmakers, and also leaking them to the media for what exactly their industry needed to stay afloat both short term and long term, and they were very successful.

David Culver: (29:05)
So we don't have that one voice yet in the industry. But at a minimum, I think that we need to begin discussions to make sure that we're prepared for 2021. Because in my mind, this is no longer a three to five year discussion about legalizing cannabis. It's a one to three year, and we need to make sure we're prepared in a unified way to present a unified message to Capitol Hill and in state capitols. Because if we don't do so, we're not going to be successful.

David Culver: (29:33)
I've been at this way too long, I've seen way too many industries coming at this from different directions and not being able to get done what they ultimately wanted to. So that's really a big challenge for us as a group, is to unify.

Eric Huey: (29:47)
I'd like to build on that a little bit by saying what's going on in the industry, despite the stories about COVID driving a spike in demand, is there is a capital crisis. All of the exuberant money that came in early through the angel rounds and friends and family is out there. There cannot be an injection of institutional investment in a more meaningful way without access to banking.

Eric Huey: (30:12)
So until that happens, you've got a 56 billion dollar industry that is realizing 1/10 of it's US addressable market. What does 10X look like and how do we get there? You mentioned, Jason, the industry employs 250,000 people already. That's four times as many people as the coal industry. So this is an industry that is poised to explode, but they can't because they can't get access to the capital markets in a real meaningful way. They cannot hockey stick, and until we do...

Eric Huey: (30:44)
And this is not an industry that's looking for a handout. With just cause the airline industry got 50 billion out of the Cares Act, the restaurant industry, people are looking for industry specific changes. We're looking for the removal of obstacles. There are four or five obstacles that David just enumerated. The minute those are removed, all that capital comes in, and this industry explodes, not just in big cities, not just in the coasts, but in states and communities throughout the US rural, small towns. And that's going to be the exciting moment. But until we get there and absent of a comprehensive federal plan, we are going to be stuck at starting line.

Jason Wilson: (31:25)
Yeah, I agree. So, election coming up, obviously. Everyone's mind... Obviously, it's going to be interesting. We really have two 70 year old, baby boomer, white guys, neither of which seem to be horribly supportive of cannabis, I guess I'll put it that way. Patrick, is it going to matter who gets elected? What's your view on that?

Patrick Martin: (31:58)
Yeah, it's a great question. We often make the point that we work well with... We want to work well with both parties, and we think this issue's a winner for whoever takes the mantle and and wants to run with it. A political winner and a true public policy winner with the public. But the way you framed the question, I think is exactly right. You have two candidates for personal, political, and I'm sure a whole host of other reasons that are not quite there on the issue.

Patrick Martin: (32:32)
And I think you see that a lot with politicians of a certain generation. What I would say in terms of how the election results will impact the cannabis movement in the United States is that I think it will impact it to some degree on timing depending on who wins the election. But regardless of who wins the election, it will not slow down the forward progress and I'll provide an example of what I'm talking about.

Patrick Martin: (33:01)
The gay marriage movement saw in this country a lot of peaks and valleys, and then a tremendous steam ahead in a really period of time. And if president Trump is reelected, I could see something akin to the election of 2004 when president Bush was reelected. We had all these state ballot measures on defining marriages between a man and a woman. And after president Bush was reelected, I think there was real heartache within the LGBTQ community about what the prospects were for gay marriage going forward.

Patrick Martin: (33:33)
But it turned out that in the course of time, it was only in the next term of the next president that we ended up you know getting the historic Supreme Court ruling. So it didn't end up taking, I think, nearly as long as some people would have thought the day after the 2004 election. If vice president Biden's elected, I think the prospects for seeing a legalization at the federal level, it's going to be much faster.

Patrick Martin: (34:00)
I think there's still going to be an education and a phase-in period for sure, and I think there's going to need to be some patience at the very beginning. But I think you'll see it happen within a first term of a Biden presidency. And just to take the gay marriage analogy even further, what I think all of us would love to see is whoever vice president Biden picks as his running mate, I think that they should get right out in front of this issue the same way that vice president Biden did on gay marriage with president Obama.

Patrick Martin: (34:30)
And everyone remembers he famously came out and said he was for it, and then that forced the White House to have to respond, the president to have to respond,. And they were already moving that way anyway, but I would hope that whichever woman vice president Biden picks does the same thing. And this would be his running mate just by definition of who is considering, will be a woman who is more progressive on cannabis than he is, because every single woman he's considering supports legalization.

Patrick Martin: (34:58)
And if it's a woman of color, they'll have dealt first hand both in their personal and professional lives with issues of racial injustice. And so I think we're hoping as an industry that person can be a real supportive voice within a Biden administration if he wins.

Patrick Martin: (35:15)
The one area I would say that that example doesn't work, and it's a really important example, is that gay marriage was decided by a historic Supreme Court ruling. And all of us in the industry are not waiting for the US Supreme Court to decide the fate of legalization of cannabis in America. We want lawmakers to act. We want Congress and our president to work together to create an equitable law that sets up a fair system for how cannabis is regulated in the United States, and that addresses the social injustices that have taken place and provides opportunities for people within this industry.

Jason Wilson: (35:59)
It's going to be interesting to see...

Eric Huey: (36:00)
I would build on that as well. Patrick put it well. He said, "Let's talk about the impact of the election on the legalization of cannabis movement." But I think the reverse is also true. Let's look at the impact of the legalization of cannabis movement on the election and the impact that it could have. Because when you look at the key demographics like veterans, like Millennials, like boomers, who nobody remembers is the Woodstock generation.

Eric Huey: (36:24)
When you go right up and down Republicans and Democrats, these are folks who can impact and there are single issue voters out there. This is something that can move somebody's opinion of a candidate. And I think it's going to be incumbent upon the folks who are active in this movement, personally and at a corporate level to get involved with the campaigns. It's a perfect opportunity from either or both campaigns to pivot forward. And the one who does it first, David, I think is gonna be the one who gets the advantage.

Jason Wilson: (36:56)
Why don't we wrap it up with that last thought from David, and then probably move on because I think Joe is waiting. David, do you see this becoming an issue that moves the needle to a different voting box?

David Culver: (37:12)
Oh, yeah, for sure. I think Eric alluded to it already, but we're talking about progressives, we're talking about single issue cannabis voters, we're talking about minority voters. All three of those categories are really important to the vice president and to the president. They're watching each very closely. And I think that the electability argument that our industry is going to make to both campaigns is really going to set up jump ball that Patrick alluded to earlier. So you're going to have two almost [inaudible 00:37:44] trying to swat the cannabis ball. And whoever ends up with it, I think, is going to have a massive advantage in this election.

Jason Wilson: (37:55)
It's fantastic. I mean, the industry has been growing for a while, country by country, state by state. It's going to be really interesting. I know we have to deal with the pandemic. I know we have to deal arguably more importantly with the social justice issues, reform issues, but cannabis can be a large part of that. But I have to believe that as we go through the remainder of this year, we get to the election, we hear from the UN on whether they've rescheduled or not.

Jason Wilson: (38:23)
As we continue to see legalization across the globe, there's a lot of tailwind behind the cannabis movement. Every step of the way it just makes it bigger, bigger and bigger. There's a recreational component, there's a medical component. We're not even getting into the whole industrial aspect of it that could help deal with issues like global warming, what have you. It's going to be really fascinating to see how this industry grows, the job growth it brings, hopefully some of the reform it brings, and where we'll be a few years from now. It's pretty exciting to see. Joe, maybe we should turn it over to you to see if there's any Q&A that we can help out with?

John Darsie: (39:09)
Jason, thanks a lot, this is John Darsie, here, the managing director of SALT. Jumping in to handle the audience Q&A, which we've got a lot of engagement from the audience. We'll thank all the panelists for such an engaging discussion. So the first question is which specific states do you think are next to legalize or decriminalize cannabis, and what do you think the timeline is for that?

Jason Wilson: (39:32)
Patrick, you want to take a crack at that?

Patrick Martin: (39:35)
Yeah, absolutely. I think two states that we've been following extremely closely are Pennsylvania and New York State. And what I think we've seen across the country as states consider adult use programs is, there's some regional competition that takes place. And if one state sees a bordering state making a move, it is of the utmost importance that they act. I can speak to the situation in the Midwest.

Patrick Martin: (40:04)
There was tremendous pressure on the State of Illinois to act through the legislative process because we knew it was on the ballot in Michigan, and we knew that there was a strong likelihood that it was going to pass in Michigan. And you want to make sure that you are the regional leader. We've seen what that's done for the cannabis industry in a state like Massachusetts, what it's done in California.

Patrick Martin: (40:29)
And so I would look to Pennsylvania and New York. I think Pennsylvania is, David and Eric, and all of our partners talked about this all the time, that it is just really ripe for something to happen there. And then New York has gotten so close so many times that I think that the combination of COVID and the economic issues that states and localities are already facing, and the fact that you may have another regional player moving is going to create the strong likelihood that the New York State will do something.

Patrick Martin: (41:03)
I also think, to answer the question another way. I think states that have not had anything before are going to be looking at entering and doing a medical program, and I would look to a state like North Carolina and others to potentially look at addressing something like that as well, which is all positive movement for us and for our industry.

John Darsie: (41:24)
As a North Carolina native, that's good to hear. How do you think the black market, gray market issue in a place like California, for example, will be solved with federal legalization?

Jason Wilson: (41:37)
I'll talk to that a little bit to start, being up here in Canada. We have a federally legalized nation. And the problem... It's not a cure-all, necessarily. It has to be done in a thoughtful way. And, David, you can talk a lot more about this. Obviously, being at Canopy, you've seen what's happened up here. But, I mean, pricing has to be regulated, you have get broad based distribution, you can't have the red tape, you can't have hurdles.

Jason Wilson: (42:07)
Here in Ontario, the largest province in Canada, people have been talking generally in the market that we haven't seen the sales that we thought we would. About 15 million people, and there's only 22 to 23 dispensaries available in the first year of legalization. I mean, that's ridiculous. There was no access to it. We were able to go to an Ontario cannabis store and order online. The legalization happened in the middle of federal postal strike, so you could order it but you couldn't get it.

Jason Wilson: (42:39)
The laws have to be there, but the whole supply chain has to build out around it. And everyone has to really get behind it to make sure that there is a proper and effective role. David, do you want to touch on that a little bit?

David Culver: (42:54)
I actually think that you've hit all the high points. I was just jotting this down, transitioning the illegal market into the legal market. it's setting the tax rate correctly, both short and long term, and it's about the outlets. We hear about the outlets all the time. It's a huge problem.

David Culver: (43:11)
I'd also just want to add into the question previously about the timing on some of these states. 2021 could be a massive year for the state-by-state legalization effort. And let's also not forget that if a state that is a red state legalizes in any way shape or form, that state then has direct influence on their senators and makes it even more difficult for them to oppose the efforts on Capitol Hill. That's been the playbook all along, and I think an important point to add as we talk about the timing on states.

John Darsie: (43:44)
Great. Just to dive in more into presidential politics and the effect of the election potentially on marijuana legislation, cannabis legislation and regulation. We have a couple questions on that, that I'll group into... You touched on, if vice president Biden wins, the increasing likelihood that we might see reform early in his presidency. But what do you think would happen in the event that a Republican administration wins, that would be a second term with Donald Trump? And if Republicans remain in power, do you think there's a movement within the Republican Party even to start legalizing and decriminalizing cannabis? What do you think would happen in that scenario?

Eric Huey: (44:26)
I used to have a joke that Libertarians were just Republicans who smoke pot. I think that's changed and morphed a little bit. I think it's inevitable either way. However, I think it's going to happen more quickly if vice president Biden becomes president. My worry about a second Trump administration on this issue, is that you look at his choices for Attorneys General, first Jeff Sessions, who undid the Coal Memo, and then Bill Barr who has been vehemently opposed to legalization. If he were to continue as Attorney General, I just think with those folks whispering in the president's ear, and no then electoral upside to do anything about it. It might take a little more time.

Patrick Martin: (45:11)
Yeah, I agree completely with what Eric said. And I would add, I do not think it will slow the progress we see at the state level. And in fact, I think it could speed it up. I think if president Trump's re-elected and his administration decides they just don't want to do anything federally on cannabis legalization, I think you'll see states continue to act and probably speed up their action.

Patrick Martin: (45:35)
Because the public's there, and we've all talked about it for a variety of reasons. But the most important reason, and I think you see this with all social and economic change over the course of time. People who experience it in their day-to-day lives understand the benefits, and there's been a real education for a lot of people on what cannabis is and what it can provide to communities.

John Darsie: (46:01)
So speaking, you touched briefly earlier on the vice presidential pick and what effect that could have on cannabis regulation, and you mentioned some of the African-American women who are under consideration for that VP slot. Is there one candidate in particular that has a record and is on the record regarding cannabis regulation and legislation that you think would be the most favorable for early action in a Biden administration?

David Culver: (46:29)
I think that senator Kamala Harris is still top of my list in terms of the president's VP shortlist. She has a very strong position on legalization. She was an author of the MORE Act companion, so she's already there. She understands the social justice pieces that I referenced earlier. And I really think that she could lead on this issue if the president chooses not to. And again, we're gonna make the electability case to former vice president Biden's campaign. I don't know whether they will side with it or not, but I do think it's something that senator Harris could lead on if she was the pick. We've done an analysis of everybody that's on that short list and they almost all, without exception, have positions that they've already taken that are pro-legalization.

John Darsie: (47:26)
Anybody want to add to that?

Patrick Martin: (47:28)
No, I think David hit it right on the head. And I would just say, if all of the candidates on the short list support legalization, which they do, the question then becomes about who is going to want to lead on the issue? And who is going to take that position that will in some ways to run a little bit contrary to the position that vice president Biden has laid out? And who is going to be willing to build political support within the White House, in Congress, and using the personal relationship that they're going to have with the president, to move him on that issue?

Patrick Martin: (48:03)
That's really what I'm looking for. I think David said it just right with senator Harris. She's already shown in her presidential campaign that she's willing to come out and show separation between her and the vice president on an issue that was important to her. And I think she's shown just this week in this debate on criminal justice reform, that she's willing to make a strong assertive case on something that she's passionate and believes in. I'm sure all the women on the short list would.

Patrick Martin: (48:33)
But I think we've had a chance to, all of us, work with her in her time in the senate and in California, and I think she'd be a tremendous advocate. But we would really view this for any of the women who are under consideration, if they're chosen, as a huge opportunity to lead on an issue. When you're vice president, that job doesn't have a huge job description. The people who really become successful as vice president, like vice president Biden was, take on certain issues and lead on them. And this would be I think a really important one for whichever woman has chosen to do.

Eric Huey: (49:09)
Imagine two scenarios, a conversation about legalization with vice president Kamala Harris or a conversation about legalization with vice president Mike Pence, and how divergent those might be. You can never underestimate the power of the cabinet. People like Eric Garcetti, people like... All the people who ran for president, a number of those are going to be in the Biden administration as cabinet secretaries, and they're going to have a role to play, and a voice on this. And there's going to be a chorus of yes voices for legalization.

John Darsie: (49:38)
Great points. Going back to Attorney General Barr, we have a question about whether you think his alleged targeting of cannabis companies for antitrust review has affected M&A in the industry? There was a whistleblower that said today that 10 deals were targeted just because Barr doesn't like cannabis and doesn't like the industry. And has that put a damper on deals and deal making at a time when the person who's asking the question believes that consolidation in the industry is needed, and what effect has that had on stock prices in the space?

Jason Wilson: (50:11)
You're always going to have an issue with stock prices in the space until we get a full proper federal regime, and even a global regime. The US is a catalyst. Just think of the international tax treaties, drug treaties, every aspect of how to do global commerce. Until we get the world's largest economy on board, it's going to be really hard to scale this entire industry.

Jason Wilson: (50:38)
Right now, it's really fragmented and broken up. Even with everything being perfect, it's going to take time. With all the supply chains, obviously, to from [inaudible 00:50:51] to pure execution, there's no question about that. But when you have the world's largest economy sitting there, really taking a fragmented approach to it, not knowing what's right.

Jason Wilson: (51:00)
We can look at hemp. CBD dried hemp. Technically, federally legal. But we don't even have FDA guidance on how we can sell it, right? If you look at what's happening in Kentucky right now, and they clearly wanted legalization to support their economy. They have businesses going bankrupt all the time because we can't get a coherent framework that allows anyone to succeed. So I feel that we're going to continue to see a lot of volatility in the market until we start to see movement at a global scale, particularly in the US, but also on a global scale.

Jason Wilson: (51:35)
I'm hoping that the UN votes to reschedule, post-election, we start to see state-by-state [inaudible 00:51:44] a lot of states going on. But most importantly, federal legalization begins. It's going to fill a lot of holes. I think we've heard that consistently, but [inaudible 00:51:52]. Once that starts to happen, I think we'll see this involvement as a profitable industry. Until then, it's going to be [inaudible 00:52:01], it's going be volatile.

John Darsie: (52:03)
So we have two more questions, then we'll wrap up. Thanks for all the audience engagement, to all the viewers. Do you think a single buyer, one buyer system is the way to go to make sure that retailers can't compete with illicit dealers?

David Culver: (52:17)
I don't know. I'd have to ponder that question. It's actually not something that we've been really thinking about in terms of the federal regulatory structure that I referenced earlier, but certainly something that I'd happily take back to the drawing board with my other industry partners and those on the hill. Patrick, Eric, any thoughts from the two of you?

Eric Huey: (52:43)
I think that government-mandated market control is never a good idea. I think the free market, with budget for enforcement, and with a logical tax scheme, which lowers the price of legitimate cannabis to the point or lower than that in the black and gray market, that's how you get there. If the goal is, right, driving down or driving out black market competition, I think you could do that through other measures without these overarching market controls. I start to worry when you have a single entity controlling any distribution point.

John Darsie: (53:22)
All right. So last question is, how long do you think it'll be, and what do you think the impetus will be, for pension fund trustees and institutional investors in general, to regard investment in the cannabis industry as a normal course of business?

Jason Wilson: (53:39)
My opinion on that, and I'll pass it onto the rest. When we're out speaking with, originally, raising capital a couple years ago when we started in the states, all the big pension funds, insurance companies, larger asset managers, your typical go-to institutions for raising capital just didn't want to get involved in the space. Because they didn't... Yes, there is a fear of the illegality.

Jason Wilson: (54:05)
I think they all fear to move beyond that, but the catalyst they were really waiting for is that proper regulatory framework so that they could properly evaluate the companies' investments, and actually know that they could execute them. I mean, right now, it's really hard to put together a business plan when you don't know how to roll out, when you don't know what the tax consequences are going to be, when you have employee safety issues, what have you. If you can't get, for example, COVID relief. [inaudible 00:54:42] I haven't in certain examples.

Jason Wilson: (54:44)
So I think until we see a proper framework, or at least a lot of positive movement towards that, where you know it's going to happen, I think that's when you're going to start seeing large institutional investments come in, where they can properly evaluate a business plan, look at the competitive landscape and understand how it's all coming together. Until then, it's a little bit too ad hoc to make a proper investment analysis for them.

John Darsie: (55:09)
Thank you all. Thank you Eric, thank you Patrick, thank you Jason, thank you David, for joining us today. This is a fascinating discussion on an industry that's very fast growing, and I think only has the potential to accelerate further once we get a little bit more clarity, maybe starting in November, about regulation in the space. This episode is going to be posted on Demand afterwards.

John Darsie: (55:32)
So if you tuned in live and you want to go back and listen to some of the clips, we'll post it on the SALT YouTube channel. And pass it around to your friends who might be interested in the space because I think increasing awareness about what's going on in the cannabis space is very important for a variety of reasons, including social reasons. We're seeing a lot of, obviously, activism today, and I think addressing some of these issues related to cannabis regulation will help solve some of those issues, especially as it relates to criminal justice reform.

Michèle Flournoy: Isolationism & Smarter Engagement | SALT Talks #17

“How do we expand the community of free market democracies around the world?”

Michèle Flournoy is the Co-Founder & Managing Partner of WestExec Advisors. She was also the United States Undersecretary of Defense for Policy from 2009-2012 under President Obama, where she served as a principal advisor to Secretaries of Defense Robert Gates and Leon Panetta. At the time of her confirmation, Michèle was the highest-ranking female official in the Pentagon.

“We can’t afford to divorce ourselves from the world.” While isolationism has its merits, we should be using our presence to shape the direction of the world, instead of enacting large-scale regime change. We need a core set of principles as it relates to countries like Russia and China. Smart or smarter engagement is the way forward, not lack of engagement.

What region worries Michèle the most? The Asia Pacific and Indo Pacific. This area will have the greatest impact on our economy, as our prominence as their primary security partner clashes with China’s position as the primary trading partner.

LISTEN AND SUBSCRIBE

SPEAKER

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Michèle Flournoy

U.S. Undersecretary of Defense for Policy

(2009-2012)

MODERATOR

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Anthony Scaramucci

Founder & Managing Partner

SkyBridge

EPISODE TRANSCRIPT

John Darsie: (00:08)
Welcome back, everyone, to SALT Talks. My name is John Darsie. I'm the managing director of SALT. When we do SALT Talks we try to bring you access to leading thinkers, innovators across technology, finance, entrepreneurship, and geopolitics. Today we're very excited to bring a speaker from the geopolitical realm. Our guest today is Michèle Flournoy. If you're not familiar with Michèle, you very soon will be, I think. She's one of the leading national security voices in the United States. She was the undersecretary for defense for policy in the Obama administration. She served under secretaries of defenses Robert Gates and Leon Panetta.

John Darsie: (00:53)
Today she is the founder and managing partner of WestExec Advisors, which is a strategic advisory firm that advises US and international companies and financial institutions on geopolitical factors and how that might affect their investment landscape. Michèle, at the time of her confirmation, was the highest ranking female in the history of the Pentagon, so we're very excited to have her on. It's not the first time Anthony has interviewed Michèle. I'll let them talk a little bit more about that, but I'll kick the interview over now to Anthony Scaramucci, the founder and managing partner of SkyBridge Capital, and the chairman of SALT, to interview Michèle Flournoy.

Anthony Scaramucci: (01:34)
Okay. You guys can hear me okay? And Michèle, great to have you with us today. Thank you so much for joining us. I thought for people's... I think your background is fascinating. I was just wondering if you could spend a little bit of time telling our listeners and viewers about your background, and then we can talk a little bit about directionally where the nation needs to be going.

Michèle Flournoy: (01:57)
Sure. Well, great to be with you, Anthony, and glad to see the SALT Talks continuing online. So, I came of age kind of coming out of grad school where I focused on international relations at the height of the Cold War. So, in the mid-1980s the issue of the day was the nuclear saber-rattling between the United States and the Soviet Union, Reagan and Gorbachev, and it seemed like that was the issue of the day. If we didn't solve that one, we wouldn't be around to solve anything else. So, I cut my teeth in the field starting out working on nuclear weapons issues, nuclear arms control, and so forth, and that really continued for the first decade working under different think tanks and academic institutions until I had my first chance at government service in the Clinton administration and was asked to come in and recreate a defense strategy office in the Pentagon. Now, if you think about that, it's a little scary that there was a time when there wasn't a strategy office in the Pentagon, but my job was to help reestablish that, and that's really when I broadened to defense more broadly.

Anthony Scaramucci: (03:09)
But take us back for a second, because I think this is very important. So, this is sort of the mid-'90s. You're coming into the Pentagon, and there are people on this call, frankly, that haven't been to the Pentagon. I've had the opportunity through the Business Executives for National Security to tour the Pentagon, meet with various defense secretaries, and we've had several of the secretaries of defense at SALT. But for somebody that is not aware of the expanse of the Pentagon and the nature of the Pentagon, take us back to your first few days there and sort of what you were thinking about, and the tenets of that core strategy.

Michèle Flournoy: (03:49)
Well, I think that for a civilian coming in, it's a daunting experience because it is a unique place, a unique culture. For some political appointees it can feel like landing on a different planet. I was fortunate that my dad had served in World War II, my husband served 26 years in the Navy. I was very familiar with military culture, I was part of the broader family, so I had that advantage in terms of coming in to the environment. But even still, I think as a young political appointee it takes some time to sort of show your value, to find your place, to understand how the place works, how to get things done and make things happen.

Michèle Flournoy: (04:33)
But I think the thing that I really focused on initially was trying to figure out how to design a strategy after the end of the Cold War. Really, the key paradigm we'd worked with for decades was suddenly gone. Now what was it about? I think the early attempts at that was trying to look at how do we expand the community of free market democracies, and that was really kind of the core idea of that first strategy. Ironically, now, at a time when we're seeing the return of so much authoritarianism with China, with Russia, other dictatorships, that question's actually very relevant again. How do we strengthen the group of free market democracies around the world and really leverage these incredible allies that we have?

Anthony Scaramucci: (05:28)
So, when you got there, we had this 40-ish, 50-ish-year idea of containment, and the goal was to contain the Soviet Union and to reject communism around the world, and obviously, this was in the aftermath of the Reagan Doctrine. President Clinton was coming up with his own doctrine. He wanted to secure the peace around Iraq, and the no-fly zone restrictions, and all of those things, and now today, do we need a new doctrine? I know you authored a white paper in 2007. Do we need a new doctrine, and if we do need a new doctrine, what should that doctrine look like to create peace and prosperity over the next 25 to 50 years?

Michèle Flournoy: (06:14)
Because we can't really afford to focus just on a singular threat like the Soviet Union, I'm not sure that a doctrine is as helpful as a set of core tenets or principles, and I do think that we need to kind of go back to first principles in this very different landscape that we're in. We have fundamental shifts in the balance of power with the rise of China, a resurgent Russia, other rogue states not disappearing, Iran, North Korea, and so forth. We still have to manage the counterterrorism problem. We also have a period of profound technological disruption, which means that if the US military just stands still and doesn't figure out how to integrate some of those new technologies, we will actually lose our military edge and our ability to deter and defeat adversaries. So, it's a very dynamic landscape, and I think that any one doctrine might straight jacket us, so I think it's better to think about core principles at this moment.

Anthony Scaramucci: (07:22)
Okay, so what would some of those principles be?

Michèle Flournoy: (07:24)
Well, first and foremost, we have to recognize that we are very integrated into a global economy and set of international relationships, and so we can't really afford to divorce ourselves from the world. The security of Americans at home, the prosperity of Americans at home depend on us shaping and trying to manage and influence what's happening overseas. For goodness sake, we've just been the victim of a pandemic that came out of China, is now a global phenomenon. We can't just pretend that we can protect ourselves by being Fortress America. So, the first thing is we have to stay engaged in order to protect ourselves at home.

Anthony Scaramucci: (08:12)
So, what would you say to one of my cranky relatives, Michèle, who believes in that whole isolationist strategy and believes that we should disentangle ourselves from the rest of the world? What would your rebuttal to that be?

Michèle Flournoy: (08:28)
I'd want to draw them out on what is driving that, because I think where there's a seed of wisdom there is that we shouldn't be doing large scale military interventions around the world to change regimes and try to impose democracies. I think we've seen that doesn't work so well. But saying we don't want to do that is not the same thing as saying we should just pull back from the world writ large. We should be using our economic strength, our technological innovation, our diplomatic abilities to try to shape the environment in ways that are favorable to our interest, because I think the key argument is if we don't do that, we risk having small threats become very large threats and be quite costly by the time they reach our shores.

Michèle Flournoy: (09:23)
Plus, we have a unique asset in our alliances. There's no other country in the world who can bring together coalitions of the willing, like-minded states who have shared interests, to take on problems together, and therefore share the burden. So, in my book, isolationism... There might be a core worry that we really have to attend to, but I don't... I think when you really get into what's the strategy that's going to best protect us as Americans, it almost certainly involves some degree of smart or smarter engagement.

Anthony Scaramucci: (09:59)
It's interesting because in the 1940 election with Franklin Roosevelt when he was running against Wendell Willkie, there was a lot of isolationism, Charles Lindbergh making those speeches, and Roosevelt said something that rings true even today: if we don't engage every hour every day of our failed engagement, it means we have to catch up at some point in the future. Of course, that caught up to us after December of 1941. John mentioned the fact that you and I have met before, and just for the viewing audience, General Mattis asked me to have a meeting with you, and so we met, and I don't think I ever told you this, but then General Mattis called me and said, "So, how did the meeting go with Michèle?"

Anthony Scaramucci: (10:42)
I said, "Well, I think she's the smartest person I've ever met," and what I said about you, Michèle, is that if you could take a drinking straw and you could drop it down on the earth in any location on the earth in any of the seven continents, you knew more about that situation, more about that location than anybody that I've met. So, with that, I want you to talk about one or two locations on the earth that you're worried about as an American that is concerned about our prosperity and our national security. Drop that straw for me and tell me, "Okay, here are two places that if you were in a briefing with me and we were talking about our national security interests, these are places that are concerning to me." What are they?

Michèle Flournoy: (11:30)
So, the first one would be the Asia-Pacific or Indo-Pacific, because if you look at what is the region that is going to have the biggest impact on our economy and our security in the next 50 years, it is Asia-Pacific, and the balance of power is shifting there. For most of the countries in the region, they prefer us as their primary security partner, and they count on us, but their primary trading partner is China. As this competition between the US and China heats up, they feel very trapped in the middle, and they don't want to be forced to make choices that they'd have a hard time making.

Michèle Flournoy: (12:20)
I think the biggest challenge for us going forward is how are we going to manage the competition with a rising China in a way that allows us to be the most innovative, competitive economy on the planet, even as China's grows, that deters any sort of direct conflict, military conflict, with another nuclear power, and that continues to sort of strengthen the rules of the road that will constrain China's course of power or manage that in the future. So, the first place I would focus on is the Asia-Pacific and a more nuanced and strategic approach to our relationship with China.

Anthony Scaramucci: (13:11)
When you think about history and... Graham Allison wrote a great book called Destined for War, which I know you're familiar with, and it's the notion of Thucydides's trap, where a rising superpower is threatening the existing power structure. Dean Allison, the dean of the Kennedy School, he referenced probably 16 different episodic events over the last 2,000 years, 12 of which ended up in a war, and one of the things is if you have different systems, different religious systems, different cultures, it usually raises those tensions. So, I'm wondering if you could remark on that, and what would you suggest to the American policy-makers and American politicians to defuse that?

Michèle Flournoy: (13:59)
I thought Graham's book had a lot of great insights that we should heed. I don't think it's inevitable that we ultimately find ourselves in conflict with China. I think there are a few things we need to focus on. Number one, the most important thing in this competition is to invest in the drivers of our own competitiveness here at home, be it science and technology, research and development, our innovation ecosystem, smart immigration policy that attracts the best talent from around the world, and then keeps it here. Look at Silicon Valley. Half the founders are either immigrants or first-generation Americans. Investment in 21st century infrastructure. There's no reason why we shouldn't be the world's leader in 5G. So, invest here at home to really drive our own competitiveness.

Michèle Flournoy: (14:48)
Number two, on the security front, invest in deterrence. This is something we really figured out, the art and science of deterrence in the Cold War. There's deterrence by denial, meaning you keep an adversary from being able to achieve an objective. There's deterrence by cost and position. You threaten such great costs if they go ahead that they choose not to go there. We need to refine that art vis-à-vis influencing Beijing, and that will require some investment in technology in our military and other instruments of power. And then the third piece is go to old diplomacy and dialogue, first and foremost with our allies, getting on the same sheet of music with them about how we push back on bad Chinese behavior together. We share the same trade concerns, the same intellectual property concerns, the same security concerns. We should be pushing that collectively.

Michèle Flournoy: (15:43)
And then, dialogue with China. We want to try... We need a strategic dialogue with China that makes it very clear where our interests are, where our red lines are, what they can expect if they cross those red lines, and also areas where we have to cooperate. You can't solve climate change without the Chinese. You can't solve proliferation without the Chinese. For God's sake, you can't... We're seeing that we can't deal with a pandemic very effectively without figuring out how to work together with the Chinese, as bad as their behavior was at the beginning. So, we just need a much more sophisticated, comprehensive strategy for dealing with China.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:31)
But I think you're saying something very nuanced. You're saying listen, it's not black and white.

Michèle Flournoy: (16:35)
It's not black and white.

Anthony Scaramucci: (16:36)
They don't have a perfect system. Obviously, there's aspects of their system we don't like. Certainly, there's aspects of our system that they don't like, but yet we need a very strong bilateral relationship, and we need to find ways to reduce tension. So, I accept all that, I guess, but the question I would ask you is... Because you know a lot about cyber warfare, and you know a lot about the theft of our intellectual property and the theft of our designs on our military systems and so forth. How do you handle that with China? At some point we have to say enough is enough-

Michèle Flournoy: (17:15)
Absolutely.

Anthony Scaramucci: (17:15)
... and at another point we need the bilateral relationship. So, how do you handle those things? How do you square that circle?

Michèle Flournoy: (17:22)
I think we have to be very clear-eyed about bad behavior in cyberspace, theft of intellectual property, espionage at companies and universities, coercion in the eastern South China Sea, and we need to push back on that, but I think part of deterrence is communicating clearly your interests and your resolve, and we have to have dialogue not just to pretend that everything's fine, but to really go after and solve some of these issues. Again, I just think that the... I think the administration, the current administration has disadvantaged itself by defining things very narrowly in terms of trade, and primarily tariffs, and by approaching this just bilaterally, because again, so many of our European friends, our Asian friends and others, they have the same issues with China. We'd be much stronger approaching them as a coalition to push back.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:25)
Do you think the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the TPP, was a step in that direction?

Michèle Flournoy: (18:32)
Absolutely. I think the TPP was a high standards-

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:36)
Okay, see, I actually thought it was [crosstalk 00:18:37].

Michèle Flournoy: (18:37)
It was a high standards trade deal.

Anthony Scaramucci: (18:39)
100%. I actually had a lot of pushback with President Trump, then candidate Trump about that, and then Secretary Clinton obviously came around to his point of view, and he was basically making the point to me on the campaign that it was an emotional thing, and he was playing emotions as opposed to the long-term strategic issues. You were going to say something, go ahead.

Michèle Flournoy: (19:00)
I think these high standards trade deals, whether it's TPP or the Transatlantic one that has been considered, or even the renegotiated North American deal, you have to accompany them with investment in the US labor force and US competitiveness, because there is dislocation happening in the economy. It's not necessarily because of the trade deals, but it is maybe accelerated by some of those. It's mainly automation. It's now obviously the aftermath of the pandemic.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:36)
Totally.

Michèle Flournoy: (19:37)
But we've got to couple our trade initiatives with some serious and targeted investment in the rescaling of the US workforce to regain our competitive edge.

Anthony Scaramucci: (19:49)
I totally agree. I want to take you back to 2012. It's the last presidential debate. It's Governor Mitt Romney with President Barack Obama, and Mitt Romney intimated that he felt that Russia was going to be one of our greater adversaries going forward from 2012, and President Obama had a reasonably to very good rebuttal; that's sort of a Cold War line of thinking. But Russia has, in some ways, been an adversary for us, and I was wondering if you could describe for our audience your feelings about our relationship with Russia, some of the adversarial things that they've been doing to us over the last half-decade, and where do you think that that's going?

Michèle Flournoy: (20:35)
Yeah. You know, I think at the time, Russia did not... Russia was sort of playing by the reset. Medvedev, I think, was still in. Putin had not reemerged in the way he has now. So, it seems like the Russia threat was on the back burner. I think Senator Romney... He was right in looking at the longer term. Russia has reemerged under Putin's leadership as a revisionist power. He would like to reestablish a sphere of influence for Russia in and around Europe. He'd love to see the undermining and breaking apart of NATO. He would love to compete with us for influence in the Middle East and other regions, and he's willing to use the sort of gray zone, the sort of hybrid toolbox of propaganda, disinformation, cyber warfare, support to political parties, and shadow NGO, front organizations. I mean, he has taken the KGB playbook that he knew so well from his time in intelligence and put it on steroids as an instrument of the state, and that's what we're dealing with, and that has included intervention, as we've seen in our own election cycle, through use of social media, so...

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:58)
So, let's-

Michèle Flournoy: (21:58)
Very real threat now that we have to deal with.

Anthony Scaramucci: (21:58)
Let's look at it from the other side, because I'm fascinated by this. I'd like to get your reaction. President Putin has a GDP roughly the size of Italy. It's a relatively small economy. It's less than a tenth of the size of the GDP of the United States, yet he is really punching over his weight. So, how is he doing that? Is it just the disinformation playbook? Is it tremendous resources spent on the military? What is he doing that is allowing him to expand his influence so successfully?

Michèle Flournoy: (22:36)
Well, he has made a disproportionate investment in parts of his military, so they really do have some serious capability. They need to be taken seriously, particularly in the nuclear domain.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:49)
And the hypersonic missiles, right? I mean, he's got...

Michèle Flournoy: (22:52)
Hypersonics.

Anthony Scaramucci: (22:52)
Hypersonic. He's got advanced rocket technology that a lot of people don't talk about in our media. Is that fair to say?

Michèle Flournoy: (22:59)
That is fair to say. Cyber. He has broken all of the international norms in terms of his willingness to use cyber for offensive purposes, his willingness to use social media for offensive political purposes. I think he has been very tactically skilled at exploiting vacuums that we create. When we don't lean forward in Syria, or we pull out of certain relationships, Putin has been able to step in. When the US does not provide a key defensive technology to an ally, often Russia or China will try to step in. So, he's very skilled at finding the vacuums and stepping into them. I don't think he's 10-foot tall. I don't think we should overestimate Russia as a great power, but I do think we shouldn't underestimate his capacity to make mischief and just create headache after headache after headache for us.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:18)
Okay, so I want to open it up a little bit, Michèle. John Darsie is indicating to me that he has a few questions from the audience, so I want to turn one over to John. But I really appreciate this. Thank you so much.

Michèle Flournoy: (24:32)
Sure.

Anthony Scaramucci: (24:33)
Go ahead, John.

John Darsie: (24:34)
A big piece of news today is that the United States is no longer considering Hong Kong autonomous from China. What do you think the future impact of this change is, and what's your view on the geopolitical risk in the APAC region and whether the US and China are sort of headed towards a Cold War type scenario?

Michèle Flournoy: (24:53)
Well, I do think that the passage of the national security law with regard to Hong Kong by the Communist Party as they're meeting for their big congress in Beijing right now... It's a real shot across the bow. I think the administration is right to say, going up to the hill, "We cannot certify the autonomy or the autonomous governance of Hong Kong." What is not understood is if... That does not trigger any immediate sanctions. The legislation they were responding to in terms of making that determination does not have anything automatic about it, but it does open the policy debate and discussion both within the administration and on the hill as to how to respond to China's overreach in this instance.

Michèle Flournoy: (25:49)
I think there's a very strong... It's one of those rare areas of bipartisan support that we care very much about holding China to its commitment of one country, two systems. The two systems part is very important. I think the biggest thing here that China will have to consider is not just sanctions, but if the financial community does not believe that they can count on the rule of law as they've known it prevailing in Hong Kong, Hong Kong will experience tremendous flight of capital and tremendous flight of a number of financial institutions, which is not something China wants to handle. So, I think the next step is we need to make that very clear to Beijing, that they are playing with fire here, and the Hong Kong that they've enjoyed the benefits of the economy there, it's not going to survive if they press this issue any further.

Anthony Scaramucci: (26:59)
Michèle, again, I interject for a second, because I'm interested in your reaction to this. How does that relate to Taiwan, and how does that relate to our interests in Taiwan in terms of how we've been positioned over the last 60 or so, 70 years now of our defense perimeter there?

Michèle Flournoy: (27:16)
Yeah. No, I think it's very similar in that China's made a... China sees Taiwan as part of China, but it's also been clear that they have not pursued reunification by force, and I think, again, we need to be very clear in our policy that reunification by force would meet with a very substantial response and have very dire consequences for China writ large. I think it's very important for the US to be clear on that and for the international community to speak with one voice on that. But you're right in thinking the waters that they test and the techniques that they use in Hong Kong could show up down the road in Taiwan. It's obviously a different situation, but there are some parallels that are worth paying attention to.

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:17)
When you stop and think of the American military and you look at the expanse of the budget, I think it's $750 billion, something like that, not including the black ops and the other stuff. My question is, is it enough? Is it being spent appropriately, and what are things that we could do to make it more efficient and more productive and more modern?

Michèle Flournoy: (28:48)
Yeah. So, I do think that [crosstalk 00:28:50].

Anthony Scaramucci: (28:49)
The first question, though, is it enough? Are we spending enough?

Michèle Flournoy: (28:52)
Well, I think that the levels of spending that we have now are sufficient to the strategy that I think that I would certainly like to see us pursue. I think, though, that we have to be realistic; that the pandemic and its aftermath is going to put a lot of pressure on the defense budget, whether it's a second Trump term or a Biden administration. You now have other things like pandemic preparedness competing for national security dollars. You have tremendous investment that needs to happen domestically, and with the defense to budget 50% of discretionary spending, if you're not going to touch the [crosstalk 00:29:43] welfare kind of programs, defense has always got a bullseye on its back. The problem is we're in this era where if we don't invest for a very different kind of warfare in the future with different technologies, we will lose the very military technological edge that we need to prevent those wars in the first place. So, this is a period where we can't just walk away from investing in modernizing the force, and I hope we don't do what we did in the last decade, which was, after the...

Anthony Scaramucci: (30:25)
Sequester and the whole thing with-

Michèle Flournoy: (30:28)
Yeah, the Budget Control Act, the sequester. This is really driven by the Republicans in Congress with some support on the Democratic side, but it became... It was a terribly blunt instrument. It caused profound pain in the military in terms of really hurting readiness in a way that we are still recovering from. It's like taking a sledgehammer to an operation when you need a scalpel. So, I hope that we're much more careful going forward if there are understandable pressures on defense spending going forward.

Anthony Scaramucci: (31:07)
Michèle, there's been some discussion in Washington about pandemic preparedness, and after 9/11 there was a cabinet-level agency created the Department of Homeland Security. Do you think something like that could potentially happen in a Trump second term or a Biden administration, where they create a Department of Global Pandemic Defense? You think it'll escalate to that level?

Michèle Flournoy: (31:32)
You know, I hope that we do a careful lessons learned once we're past the worst of this, because too often when we have a problem we reorganize the deck chairs and we create a new organization with a new acronym and we think we've solved the problem. I don't think this was an organizational problem. I think there were leadership challenges. I think there were certainly under-resourcing of key accounts, whether it was CDC, NIH. You didn't have a single person in the White House who was empowered and held accountable for dealing with pandemics; that was a problem. So, there were a lot of weaknesses, but I'm not sure the answer is creating a new federal department or a new bureaucracy. I think there are other issues that will probably give us better preparedness in the future if we address those.

Anthony Scaramucci: (32:31)
Okay. I'm going to kick it back to John. He has a followup question for you. Go ahead, John.

John Darsie: (32:36)
Hey, Michèle. This question revolves around NATO. So, President Trump has obviously been very vocal about pressing our allies to meet their funding commitments for NATO, and he's generally undermined that treaty. There's a few different questions relating to NATO that have come in. One, how does NATO need to evolve? Some people acknowledge that while President Trump might have gone too far in his adversarial tone to some of our allies that the treaty does need to evolve. Was expanding NATO right on to the Russian border a step too far, and sort of a provocation that Russia would never really accept?

Michèle Flournoy: (33:17)
So, I do think this topic of burden-sharing with NATO has been one that has transcended administrations. I mean, one of the first speeches I helped Secretary Gates with in the Obama administration was going to NATO and really being very tough and saying, "We need you to do more," but I think making that the sole focus of the issue kind of misses the point. The truth is, NATO has fought and died alongside us in Afghanistan. They've shown up in the Balkans, they've shown up in Afghanistan. They are currently showing up in northern Europe as a deterrent in the Baltic regions in the frontline states to make sure that Russia knows that NATO is present and would not accept any kind of Russian conventional military mischief.

Michèle Flournoy: (34:12)
So, NATO, I think, still has some very important purposes. I do think it needs to adapt for the future back to integrating new technologies, maintaining interoperability, and sort of rethinking some of its strategic concepts going forward. But NATO is an unprecedented alliance. It's a huge strategic advantage for us. It is where we look first for partners when we have a challenge that we need allies to come alongside us. So, I would not throw it away. I would give a lot more care and feeding to strengthening and adapting the alliance for the future. In terms of NATO enlargement, I think the vision was really trying to pursue the opportunity of Europe whole, free and at peace, and I do think that was a valuable and important vision.

Michèle Flournoy: (35:08)
I think the two places where we probably could have done better, should have done better are A, managing the relationship with Russia. There was an opportunity to bring Russia into a more integrated relationship with Europe very early on. I'm talking an immediate two, three years after the fall of the wall and the end of the Soviet Union. But that did not... I think valiant efforts were made. It was not successful. That's the first missed opportunity. The second is if you're going to expand NATO in 26, 27, 28, larger and larger numbers of allies, I think you have to reexamine some of the decision-making inside the alliance. Right now, just about everything is based on total unity, or we don't act. That, I don't think, is a terribly viable solution for every single situation that NATO is going to have to deal with. So, I do think some of the ways that the alliance work need to also be maybe updated in light of its much larger number.

Anthony Scaramucci: (36:31)
Michèle, 72 years ago President Truman, at the protest station of then Secretary of State Marshall, agreed to the concept and the formation of the State of Israel. I'm a pro-Zionist, even though I'm not Jewish, and that state and the Middle East has been an issue of concern for the United States for the last 80 or so years. Every administration has tried something to try to see if they could create some semblance of peace and some semblance of cooperation. Are we any closer to that? Is it even possible? And if it is possible, what are some of the things that we would need to do to make that happen?

Michèle Flournoy: (37:19)
I personally believe that we're farther away from Israeli-Palestinian peace at this moment. I do think that the US's real relationship is a strategic one. It has deep historic roots. You have strong... You traditionally had strong support on both sides of the aisle. This has been a bipartisan issue, not a partisan one. I think that what worries me is I think... Prime Minister Netanyahu and the Likud Party and others around him have become so frustrated with the lack of progress in the peace process. Some of it is they should own as being... They haven't done everything they could have done, but a lot of it is they have a divided Palestinian authority.

Michèle Flournoy: (38:13)
You have PLA and the Hamas. It's hard to negotiate with a divided partner, and I would fear that out of that frustration they're about to go down a unilateral path where they will take steps to annex territory, make decisions that will basically, in effect, preclude a two-state solution. If you preclude a two-state solution and negotiate a two-state solution, you're setting up either an indefinite and worsening conflict and terrorism for Israel in the future, or you're heading towards a unitary state where Israel will have to decide whether it values being democratic more, or having a Jewish identity more, which, again, you never want to be in that position. So, I hope that, to the extent that Israel feels it must take unilateral steps to show up its own security, it does so with an eye to keeping the door open to a future negotiated solution with the Palestinians, because I think that's the only way you get a lasting piece at the end of the day for Israel and for the region.

Anthony Scaramucci: (39:33)
I think it's well-said, and I certainly hope it happens. I traveled throughout the region, and certainly would like that to happen. Before we let you go, we promise, usually, a hard out on these talks at 45 minutes, but this has been very fascinating. So, I have to ask you this question. You've been all over the world, you've seen the perspectives of the American perspective, the Russian perspective, the Iraqi perspective, the Afghani perspective. I want you to imagine the average American, if there's such a thing, and there's something about your life and something that you've learned about the world and America's role in it that you could share that you would want them to know, what would that be?

Michèle Flournoy: (40:17)
I think universally, even in countries where we might consider them competitors or adversaries, many people see the American experiment, our democracy, government for the people, by the people, et cetera as the ultimate ideal. I mean, they really do have that image of America as the shining light and the example. It's why so many people want to immigrate here. It's why so many people want to send their children to be educated here. But I think that if we're not careful and we become too divided and too acrimonious in our own politics, and we fail to show up in the world and lead by example, we will lose that position, and that soft power, that power of example, is stronger than just about anything, and we should not give that up. We should fight to be better than that, to be our better selves, and to be that example again.

Anthony Scaramucci: (41:31)
Well, we greatly value your time. We greatly appreciate the opportunity to be with you today. John Darsie is texting me that he wants to get invited to your inaugural as the first female secretary of defense. My only request is that you include me on that invitation, Michèle. With that, I want to say thank you very, very much for your contribution to our great country and all the great work that you've done on behalf of the American people, and I hope I can get you to our conference once we can go live and be in person. I think you'll really enjoy that, and I look forward to having you there as soon as we can get out of our current situation.

Michèle Flournoy: (42:09)
Great.

Anthony Scaramucci: (42:09)
But thank you again.

Michèle Flournoy: (42:10)
Yeah, thank you, and thanks to everybody who joined.